

JX  2099  .G8  OQO_ 

Vreeland,  Hamilton,  18 
Hugo  Grotius 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


https://archive.org/details/hugogrotiusfatheOOvree 


Hugo  Grotius 


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Clrotius  at  the  age  of  forty-eight 


Hugo 


Grotius 


the  Father  of  the  Modern  Science 
of  International  Law 


HAMILTON  VREELAND,  Jr.,  LL.B.,  Ph.D. 
of  the  New  York  Bar 


NEW  YORK 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

AMERICAN  BRANCH  : 35  West  32nd  Street 
LONDON.  TORONTO,  MELBOURNE  AND  BOMBAY 

1917 


Copyright,  1917,  by 
Hamilton  Vreeland,  Jr. 


TO  THE  MEN  AND  WOMEN  OF  AMERICA 

whose  combined  Thought  creates  Public  Opinion,  the  Ruler  of 
our  Nation,  this  book  is  dedicated,  with  the  hope  that  it  may 
turn  their  mental  and  physical  energy  toward  that  great  move- 
ment of  the  world  which  will  substitute  scales  weighing  Justice 
for  scales  weighing  Might  in  the  settlement  of  International 
Disputes. 

“Maxime  autem  Christian!  reges  et  civitates 
tenentur  hanc  inire  viam  ad  arma  vitanda.” 


PREFACE 


When  this  book  was  begun  the  world  was  little 
interested  in  the  work  of  the  Hollander,  Hugo 
Grotius.  To-day,  his  writings  in  the  field  of  Inter- 
national Law  are  once  more  in  the  glare  of  public 
scrutiny.  I say  once  more,  for,  during  the  three 
hundred  years  that  have  run  their  course  since 
Grotius  lived  and  wrote,  his  work  as  a jurist  has 
from  time  to  time  been  subjected  to  the  severest  of 
tests,  occasioned  by  armed  conflicts  between  nations. 
Yet  the  principles  which  this  man  laid  down  to 
govern  the  conduct  of  nations  with  one  another 
have  remained  intact  to  a remarkable  degree  up  to 
the  present  day.  They  have  stood  the  test  of  time. 

The  mind  of  Grotius  was  projected  simulta- 
neously into  so  many  fields,  was  productive  of  the 
finest  work  in  so  many  subjects,  that  it  is  almost  im- 
possible to  discuss  fully  and  minutely  his  many 
phases.  His  work  as  a theologian,  poet,  and  his- 
torian I have  attempted  briefly  to  set  forth,  but  it 
is  his  work  as  a jurist,  international  lawyer,  states- 
man, and  diplomatist  that  has  claimed  most  of  my 
attention.  It  is  Grotius,  the  father  of  the  modern 
science  of  International  Law,  who  lives  to-day,  and 
it  is  this  Grotius  whose  life  I have  endeavored  to 
write. 

vii 


via 


PREFACE 


There  is  exceedingly  little  published  in  English 
on  this  great  man.  As  one  scans  the  record  of  his- 
tory and  international  politics  he  comes,  from  time 
to  time,  upon  the  name,  but  it  is  seldom  more  than 
a name.  The  books  I have  most  relied  upon  are 
Caspar  Brandt’s  “Historie  van  het  leven  des  heeren 
Huig  de  Groot,”  with  Adriaan  van  Cattenburgh’s 
“Vervolg  der  Historie  van  het  leven  des  heeren 
Huig  de  Groot,”  and  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de 
Grotius.” 

Caspar  Brandt  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  Dutch 
historians.  He  died  before  he  had  completed  the 
life  of  Grotius,  having  carried  it  to  the  year  1632. 
An  attempt  by  his  son  to  finish  the  work  was 
abandoned,  and  Cattenburgh,  also  a prolific  and 
exhaustive  writer,  completed  the  undertaking.  The 
first  edition  of  the  work  of  Brandt  and  Cattenburgh 
appeared  at  Dordrecht  and  Amsterdam  in  1727,  the 
second  edition  at  the  same  places  in  1732.  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  these  men  wrote  at  a time  most 
advantageous  to  their  work.  Enough  years  had 
passed  to  enable  them  to  obtain  the  proper  per- 
spective as  well  as  to  secure  access  to  important 
letters. 

During  my  research  work  at  the  University  of 
Leiden,  I was  able  to  verify  many  of  Brandt’s  and 
Cattenburgh’s  references.  From  this  investigation 
it  is  evident  that  their  work  is  all  most  accurate, 
and  that  they  justly  deserve  the  reputation  they 
enjoy  in  Holland.  I may  further  add  that  I have 


PREFACE 


IX 


seen  letters  from  Pieter  and  Hugo  de  Groot,  son 
and  grandson  of  Grotius,  to  Brandt,  offering  docu- 
ments and  letters  in  their  possession  to  the  historian 
for  use  in  his  work. 

The  first  edition  of  De  Burigny  was  published  in 
1752  at  Paris,  the  second  in  1754  at  Amsterdam. 
The  references  to  this  work  are  to  the  second  edi- 
tion. Burigny’s  work  I have  also  investigated  and 
found  most  trustworthy. 

In  addition  to  these  sources,  I have  read  many 
of  the  Latin  letters  of  Grotius.  The  references  to 
these  epistles  are  to  the  collection  of  the  year  1687, 
“H.  Grotii  Epistolae  quotquot  reperiri  potuerunt. 
Amstelodami,  1687.”  The  other  works  mentioned 
in  the  foot-notes,  being  more  recent  publications, 
speak  for  themselves. 

Grateful  thanks  I wish  to  express  to  Dr.  Leonard 
C.  van  Noppen,  Queen  Wilhelmina  Professor  of 
Dutch  Literature  at  Columbia  University,  and  the 
translator  of  Vondel’s  “Lucifer.”  To  him  I owe 
the  stimulus  that  led  me  to  undertake  this  book,  and 
it  was  under  his  instruction  that  I learned  my  first 
Dutch.  Throughout  the  time  of  research  and  writ- 
ing his  interest  and  encouragement  have  been  a con- 
stant aid. 

I wish  also  to  thank  most  heartily  Messrs. 
Wouter  Nijhoff  and  August  Heyting  of  The  Hague, 
and  Professors  Kalff,  van  Eysinga,  and  van  Vollen- 
hoven  of  the  University  of  Leiden  for  references  I 
should  probably  never  have  found  alone,  and  for 


X 


PREFACE 


kindly  aid  along  the  paths  of  rather  difficult  old 
Dutch. 

To  Dr.  John  Bassett  Moore,  Professor  of  Inter- 
national Law  and  Diplomacy  at  Columbia  Univer- 
sity; and  to  Dr.  George  M.  Priest  of  Princeton 
University,  I am  also  greatly  indebted  for  very 
helpful  criticism  of  this  work. 

Finally  I wish  to  make  public  expression  of  my 
deep  gratitude  to  my  father  and  mother  for  their 
assistance,  without  which  this  undertaking  would 
have  been  impossible. 


New  York,  April,  1917. 


H.  V.,  Jr. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

Birth,  Ancestry  and  Boyhood 1 

Grotius’  birth — His  ancestry — His  boyhood  and  early  stud- 
ies— Enters  the  University  of  Leiden — His  work  there 
— Reputation  as  a youth — Grotius  goes  to  France  with 
a special  embassy. 

CHAPTER  II 

Youthful  Activities 21 

The  journey  of  the  envoys — Grotius  meets  King  Henry  of 
France — His  stay  in  that  country — Returns  to  Holland 
and  registers  as  a lawyer — Early  writings — The 
“Adamus  Exul,”  “Christus  Patiens,”  “Sophomphaneas” 

— Friendship  of  Grotius  and  Vondel. 

CHAPTER  HI 

The  “De  Jure  Praedae” 39 

Grotius  is  chosen  to  write  a history  of  his  country — His 
method  of  pleading — Dissatisfaction  with  the  practice 
of  law — The  “De  Jure  Praedae” — Chosen  for  office  of 
Attorney  General — Marries  Maria  van  Reigersbergen — 
Grotius  publishes  “The  Free  Sea” — England  attempts 
to  refute  his  teachings — “History  of  Old  Holland” 
published — “History  of  the  Netherlands  1560-1609” 
completed — Grotius  becomes  Pensionary  of  Rotter- 
dam— The  Dutch-English  fisheries  dispute,  over  which 
Grotius  is  sent  to  England — Grotius’  directions  for 
study. 

CHAPTER  IV 

Theological  and  Political  Controversy 68 

The  Arminius-Gomar  theological  controversy — Maurice 
favors  the  Gomarists,  Grotius  the  Arminians — Grotius 
draws  up  an  Edict  to  restore  tranquillity — The  polit- 
ical breach — Grotius  is  a member  of  a deputation  to 
Amsterdam — The  Prince  resorts  to  force — The  25th 
of  July  in  Utrecht — Arrest  of  Grotius. 

xi 


CONTENTS 


xii 

CHAPTER  V 

PAGE 

Arrest  and  Trial 85 

National  Synod  held — Intervention  of  Louis  XIII  in  behalf 
of  the  prisoners — Grotius  writes  to  Prince  Maurice — 
Letters  to  and  from  his  wife — His  first  examination — 
Ledenberg  kills  himself — Barneveld’s  sentence  and 
death — Grotius  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment. 

CHAPTER  VI 

Imprisonment  and  Escape 121 

Grotius  is  transported  to  Loevestein — His  literary  work 
there — His  escape. 


CHAPTER  VII 

Residence  in  Paris  and  Literary  Products ISO 

Grotius  takes  up  his  residence  in  Paris — His  reception  there 
— Madame  de  Groot  arrives  in  Paris — Grotius  is  grant- 
ed a pension — “The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion” 
ready  for  the  press — Other  literary  products — The 
“Justification  of  the  Lawful  Government  of  Holland 
and  West  Friesland,”  and  its  effect — Grotius  moves 
to  Balagni — Begins  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis” — His 
services  sought  by  the  Prince  of  Holstein  and  the  King 
of  Denmark — The  death  of  Hoogerbeets. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

The  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis” 164 

The  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  published — Placed  upon  the 
Papal  Index — Grotius’  indebtedness  to  forerunners — 

The  development  of  the  modern  science  of  Interna- 
tional Law. 


CHAPTER  IX 

Financial  Difficulties  and  Appointment  as  Ambassador  . 178 
Grotius’  financial  difficulties — He  returns  to  Holland — But 
is  forced  to  leave  for  Hamburg — The  Thirty  Years’ 
War — Grotius  is  appointed  Ambassador  from  Sweden 
to  France. 


CHAPTER  X 

Diplomatic  Activities 193 

Grotius  journeys  to  Paris — His  reception — Official  duties — 


CONTENTS 


xiii 


PAGE 

Oxenstiern  conies  to  France — Diplomatic  activities  of 
Grotius — His  difficulties — Efforts  for  peace — A diplo- 
matic quarrel. 


CHAPTER  XI 

Diplomatic  Activities  and  Death 211 

Further  negotiations — The  conduct  of  Schmalz — Death  of 
the  Duke  of  Weimar,  and  the  scheme  of  Charles  Louis 
— His  arrest  and  release — The  exchange  of  Horn  and 
de  Vert — Renewal  of  the  French-Swedish  treaty — 
Arrival  of  Cerisante — Grotius  is  recalled — His  death. 

CHAPTER  XII 


As  A Living  Force 235 

Literary  products  of  Grotius’  last  years — Praise  of  the 
statesman — The  United  States  decorates  the  tomb  of 
Grotius — Grotius  as  a living  force. 


Hugo  Grotius 


CHAPTER  I 

BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD 


Grotius’  birth — His  ancestry — His  boyhood  and  early  studies — 
Enters  the  University  of  Leiden — His  work  there — Reputation  as 
a youth — Grotius  goes  to  France  with  a special  embassy. 

The  heroic  siege  of  Leiden  had  been  history  for 
eight  years, ^ and  the  world-famous  University  of 
that  name,  given  to  the  burghers  of  the  town  by 
William  the  Silent,  Prince  of  Orange,  as  an  undying 
manifestation  of  his  gratitude  for,  and  appreciation 
of,  their  heroism  and  bravery,  was  still  in  its  infancy, 
when  there  came  into  the  world  the  man  who  was 
destined  to  become  the  foremost  scholar,  theologian, 
lawyer,  statesman,  and  diplomatist  of  his  age,  and 
a poet  and  historian  by  no  means  insignificant. 

Huig  or  Hugo  de  Groot,  named  after  his  grand- 
father, and  better  known  by  the  Latinized  form  of 
the  name,  Grotius,  was  born  in  Delft  at  seven 
o’clock  in  the  evening  of  Easter  Sunday,  the  tenth  of 

1 The  Siege  of  Leiden  lasted  from  November,  1573,  to  October 


2 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


April,  1583,"  the  same  year  in  which  the  Count  of 
Anjou  had  undertaken  his  “rash  assault  against  the 
Netherlands.”  ® It  was  at  the  very  crisis  of  the 
great  struggle  between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands 
begun  by  Charles  V twenty  years  before  and  carried 
on  after  his  death  by  his  son  Philip  II,  and  in  the 
very  town  where,  one  year  later,  William  of  Orange 
was  struck  down  by  the  hand  of  Balthazar  Gerard, 
the  agent  of  Philip  II  of  Spain. 

All  Europe  was  then  overshadowed  with  black 
clouds  of  massacre,  assassination,  and  war.  Fifteen 
years  before,  the  Holy  Inquisition  had  sent  forth 
the  Edict  condemning  all  Hollanders  to  death  as 
heretics;  eleven  years  before,  the  Massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew  had  furnished  the  precedent  for  the 
murder  of  peoples  and  assassination  of  rulers  which 
was  followed  in  1575  in  Antwerp,  and  which  was 
made  more  easy  of  repetition  by  the  frenzied  tenden- 
cies of  the  time.  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  the 
greatest  of  the  so-called  religious  wars  of  Europe, 
was  approaching  with  the  sureness  of  Fate. 

Does  it  not  seem  fitting  that  the  man  whom  pos- 

2 For  a time  there  was  some  controversy  over  the  date  of 
Grotius’  birth ; some,  among  them  Bouhier,  claiming  that  he  was 
born  in  1582.  However,  an  examination  of  the  letters  of  Grotius 
has  left  no  doubt  in  the  matter,  for,  on  Easter  Sunday,  1615, 
Grotius  wrote  (Ep.  55,  p.  18)  to  Vossius  that,  on  that  day,  he  was 
32;  on  March  25th,  1617  (Ep.  95,  p.  41)  to  the  same  friend, 
“Easter  Eve,  which  begins  my  thirty-fifth  year” ; on  Easter  Day, 
1644  (Ep.  697,  p.  965),  that  he  was  61  years  old.  He  also 
informs  us  that  he  was  15  when  he  first  went  to  France  (Poems, 
p.  213),  which  was  in  1598,  and  that  he  was  31  on  Easter  Day, 
1614  (Poems,  p.  217).  The  hour  of  Grotius’  birth  is  given  by 
Brandt,  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  5. 

3 This  was  in  January,  1583 — Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig 
de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  5,  6. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  3 

terity  was  to  call  the  Father  of  International  Law, 
whose  “Rights  of  War  and  Peace”  was  destined  to 
serve  humanity  more  effectively  than  any  work  not 
attributed  to  divine  inspiration,  should  have  first 
seen  the  troubled  skies  of  these  terrible  years  in  the 
waning  light  of  an  Easter  eve  ? Each  year  through- 
out his  life  he  celebrated  the  day  of  his  birth  on 
Easter  Sunday.* 

That  Grotius  was  well  born  there  is  not  a particle 
of  doubt.  Brandt,  the  old  Dutch  historian,  tells  us 
that  “De  Groot  was  born  of  an  ancient  and  impor- 
tant family,”  ® and  then  speaks  of  the  origin  of  the 
great  lawyer  in  these  words — “It  is  clear  from  old 
memoirs,  that  there  were  for  several  centuries  in 
the  Province  of  Delft  many  castles  and  strongholds 
of  noble  ancestral  houses,  among  which  the  castle  of 
Kraeyenburg  excelled,  lying  between  Delft  and  The 
Hague,  to  the  East  of  the  canal,  which,  in  the  gen- 
eral opinion,  was  dug  by  order  of  the  Roman  Gen- 
eral Corbulo,  and  runs  to  Leiden,  in  the  place  which 
(though  this  is  not  certain)  one,  in  his  walking,  still  ® 
sees  the  house  called  ‘Crows-Nest’ — occupied  by  the 
gentleman  Herbert  van  Beaumont,  Secretary  of  the 
States  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland.  Further  it 
is  gathered  from  no  dark  sources,  that  this  house  of 
Kraeyenburg  has  been  one  and  the  same  house  or 
race  with  that  from  which  the  family  of  the  ‘Great’ 

* Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  7 ; Ep.  490,  p.  895. 

“Pascha  enim  pro  Natali,  ut  scis,  observo.” 

® Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  2. 

® The  first  edition  of  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot” 
was  published  in  1727. 


J 


/- 


4 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


(Grooten),  taken  from  the  Dutch  given  name  de 
Groot,  has  taken  its  origin,  this  given  name  of 
‘Great’  having  existed  in  this  family  for  more  than 
four  hundred  years  and  in  all  probability  having 
been  given  to  them  for  some  great  and  excellent  ser- 
vice to  the  Fatherland.  For,  from  the  public  regis- 
ters it  is  ascertained  that  the  descendant  offspring  of 
this  stock  have  been  born  not  only  very  great  lovers 
of  their  land,  but  also  brave  maintainers  of  the  laws 
of  the  land,  without  giving  any  thought  to  their  own 
danger.  These  men,  now  that  among  many  others, 
the  castle  of  Kraeyenburg  was  annihilated  and  ruined 
by  civil  and  foreign  wars,  betook  themselves  at  last 
within  the  adjacent  town  of  Delft,  and  being  re- 
ceived there  as  lords  and  being  admitted  to  the  most 
ancient  offices  of  dignity  of  the  State,  have  held  the 
honorable  positions  under  the  same  title  of  de  Groot, 
up  to  our  time,  keeping  always  the  coat  of  arms  of 
the  family  of  Kraeyenburg,  which  still  belongs  to  the 
house  of  de  Groot  and  are  even  her  very  own,  as  the 
most  certain  proof  of  their  origin.”  ^ 

As  for  the  parentage  of  Hugo  de  Groot,  we 
know  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century 
there  traveled  into  the  low  countries  a gentleman 
from  France.  This  man,  stopping  at  Delft,  became 
acquainted  with  the  only  daughter  of  the  Burgo- 
master there,  and,  falling  in  love  with  her,  finally 
obtained  her  hand  in  marriage.  The  name  of  the 
bridegroom  was  Cornelius  Cornets,  who  “held  his 

^ Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  3. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  5 


origin  from  the  family  of  Cornets,  which  had  come 
from  France  to  the  Netherlands  with  the  Counts  of 
Borgonje.”  ® The  bride  was  Ermgardt  de  Groot, 
whose  grandfather,  Hugo  de  Groot,  in  1485,  at  the 
age  of  forty  had  come  to  Delft,  and  whose  father 
Dirk  Huigen  de  Groot  had  continually  filled  the  of- 
fices of  Alderman,  Treasurer,  Burgomaster,  and  Re- 
ceiver there,  from  the  year  1491  to  the  time  of  his 
death  in  1523. 

But  the  young  lady  appears  to  have  had  a mind 
of  her  own  about  some  things,  and  was  not  to  be 
won  without  certain  concessions  on  the  part  of  her 
prospective  husband.  It  seems  that  about  1530  the 
male  descendants  of  the  dead  Burgomaster  had  dis- 
appeared and  that  Ermgardt  de  Groot,  finding  her- 
self the  “head  of  a house  of  very  great  means,”  ® re- 
fused to  marry  Cornets  unless  “the  sons,  which 
should  be  born,  should  have  no  other  name  than 
that  of  de  Groot.”  Cornets  consented,  how  read- 
ily we  do  not  know,  and  so  it  was  that  the  son  of  this 
marriage,  the  grandfather  of  the  great  statesman, 
was  named  Hugo  Cornelius  de  Groot.  Brandt  de- 
scribes the  grandfather  of  Grotius  as  a man  who 
“reached  a high  summit  of  learning  in  the  Hebrew, 
Greek,  and  Latin  languages,”  who  “combined  the 
names,  coats  of  arms,  means  and  titles  of  both 
houses,  namely  of  de  Groot  and  Cornets,  and  the  old 
dignities  of  the  house  of  de  Groot,  which  had  been 

^ Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 

9 Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 

10  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 


6 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


inheritable  in  the  family  for  three  centuries,  and 
which  could  not  be  filled  by  his  father,  Cornelius 
Cornets,  since  he  had  been  born  outside  of  Holland, 
being  renewed,  took  the  offices  of  Towncouncilman 
and  Burgomaster  amid  the  great  applause  of  the 
people.”  “ 

Hugo  Cornelius  chose  for  his  wife  Maria  Stef- 
fens, and  after  her  death,  married  Elseling  van 
Heemskerk,  a daughter  of  the  house  of  Heemskerk 
“which  has  been  reckoned  of  old  among  the  noblest 
families  of  Holland,”  and  which  gave  to  her  coun- 
try, among  others,  the  sea-hero  Jacob  van  Heems- 
kerk, who  died  in  battle  before  Gibraltar  and  who 
has  been  honored  by  the  Poet  of  Muiden  with  a fit- 
ting epitaph.^® 

When  Hugo  Cornelius  de  Groot  died  in  Delft, 
April  1 2th,  1567,  in  his  fifth  Burgomastership,  he 
left  two  sons,  Cornelius  and  John,  who,  it  seems, 
inherited  his  ability  as  well  as  his  possessions,  for 
they  both  held  honorable  positions  in  the  service  of 
their  country  before  they  died.  Cornelius,  the  elder 
son  and  the  uncle  of  Grotius,  born  July  25th,  1544, 
having  learned  Latin  in  Delft  (the  town  of  his 
birth)  under  the  Rector  Henry  Junius  along  with 
John  van  der  Does,  “Heer  van  Nordwijk,”  and 
Jacob  van  Egmondt,  “Heer  van  Kenenburg,”  went 

Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 

Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 

The  Poet  of  Muiden  was  Hooft,  a contemporary  and  friend 
of  Grotius.  The  verse  runs : 

“Heemskerk,  die  dwers  door’t  ijs  en  ijser  darde  streven, 

Liet  d’eer  aan’t  Landt,  hier’t  lijf,  voor  Gibralter  het  leven,” 
Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  7 


from  there  to  Leuven  to  learn  the  Greek  and 
Hebrew  languages,  and  to  study  Philosophy,  and  in 
his  twentieth  year  to  Paris  “where  he  exercised  him- 
self diligently  in  the  study  of  law,  and,  within  a little 
time,  obtained  at  Orleans  the  title  of  ‘Licentiaet’  of 
Law.”  Returning  to  his  native  country  he  served 
in  the  Town  Council  of  Delft  in  the  year  1573,  as 
Master  of  Requests  of  Prince  William  of  Orange 
in  1575,  and  at  the  same  time,  the  University  of 
Leiden  having  just  been  founded,  as  Professor  first 
of  Philosophy  (it  is  said  that  he  knew  the  philoso- 
phic works  of  Plato  almost  by  heart)  and  then  of 
Law  there.  These  duties,  says  Brandt,  “he  fol- 
lowed and  fulfilled  with  such  great  zeal  and  enjoy- 
ment that  when,  in  his  later  years,  he  was  more  than 
once  sought  as  a member  of  the  High  Council,  he 
thus  heartily  refused,”  only  to  have  them  come  to 
him  on  numerous  occasions  for  advice  on  questions 
of  importance.  He  was  elected  Rector  of  the  Uni- 
versity six  times  and  in  this  capacity  sat  as  judge  for 
all  members  of  the  University  in  matters  both  civil 
and  criminal.  * This  remarkable  man  died  on  the 
25th  of  July,  1610,  the  day  of  his  birth,  leaving  no 
children. 

Jan  de  Groot,  the  second  son,  and  the  father  of 
Grotius,  seems  to  have  possessed  the  qualities  of  a 
student  which  were  so  bountifully  revealed  in  his  son. 
As  a youth  he  studied  under  the  famous  Justus  Lip- 
sius,  who  “called  him  ‘his  intimate  friend  and  pupil,’ 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  4. 

*5  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  5. 


8 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


and  did  not  cease,  after  his  departure  from  Leiden, 
to  exchange  letters  with  him  and  thus  to  maintain 
their  friendship.”  While  still  in  his  early  years 
he  translated  some  Greek  verses  of  Palladas,  wrote 
a paraphrase  of  the  Epistle  of  St.  John,^^  and  pro- 
duced some  original  Latin  verses  which  were  “full  of 
fine  incidents  and  thought.”  As  a young  man  he 
took  at  Douay  the  degrees  of  Master  of  Arts  and 
Philosophy  and  then  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  The  in- 
timate friendships  which  he  retained  through  life, 
with  the  most  learned  men  of  the  country,  show  that 
he  was  truly  “a  great  lover  and  protector  of  learn- 
ing.” In  1589  he  was  intrusted  with  the  offices 
of  Alderman  and  Town  Councilman  in  his  native 
city,  and  from  1591  to  1596  held  the  Burgomaster- 
ship;  but  of  more  honor  than  any  of  these  was  his 
appointment  as  one  of  the  three  Directors  of  the 
University  of  Leiden,  who  chose  the  professors  and 
had  charge  of  the  finances  and  direction  of  the  Uni- 
versity. The  honor  attached  to  this  office  was 
doubly  great,  since,  of  the  three  men  chosen,  one 
was  selected  from  the  nobility  and  the  remaining 
two  by  the  States  of  the  Province  from  among  the 
cities  of  Holland  or  the  Courts  of  Justice. 

In  1582  John  de  Groot  had  married  Alida  van 
Overschie,  of  illustrious  family,  and,  as  the  first  child 
of  this  union,  Hugo  Grotius  was  born  April  loth, 

18  Ihid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  5. 

11  Ep.  22,  p.  761,  Grotius’  letters. 

18  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  5. 

19  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  5. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  9 


1583.  Of  the  other  children  we  know  little,  beyond 
the  fact  that  before  May  16,  1640,  when  the  father 
died  (being  survived  three  years  by  his  wife)  there 
were  born  two  more  sons  and  one  daughter. 

Hugo  Grotius  was  fortunate  in  having  a father 
who,  in  the  desire  to  make  him  a good  as  well  as  a 
learned  man,  taught  him  in  his  youth  the  value  of 
the  even  development  and  discipline  of  mind  and 
body.  In  consequence,  one  of  the  most  impressive 
attributes  of  the  famous  man  was  the  fine  sense  of 
proportion  which,  throughout  his  life,  always  led 
him  to  give  to  his  body  the  care  that  would  enable 
him  to  obtain  the  maximum  result  from  his  brain. 
That  Grotius  realized  and  appreciated  the  value  of 
his  home  training  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt,  for  he 
often  declared,^®  in  later  life,  that  he  could  never  re- 
pay his  father  and  mother  for  the  principles  they  had 
instilled  in  him  as  a boy. 

In  speaking  of  the  boy,  Brandt  says : “In  his 

earliest  youth,  he  gave  clear  proof  of  his  brilliant 
wit,  noble  character  and  untiring  diligence,  being  as 
quick  of  body  as  of  mind.  Therefore  his  father,  a 
man  learned  in  letters,  and  who  could  well  enough 
judge  what  knowledge  best  could  adorn  this  noble 
intellect  and  become  useful  in  the  future  service  of 
his  country,  gave  him  over,  before  his  seventh  year, 
to  the  care  of  competent  teachers  that  he  might  lay 
the  foundations  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages. 
In  his  eighth  year  he  wrote  some  Latin  verses  among 

20  Ep.  490,  p.  895. 

21  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  6. 


lO 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


which  I find  two  written  with  his  own  hand.”  The 
first  piece,  composed  on  hearing  the  glad  tidings  that 
the  state  of  Nijmwegen  was  freed  from  the  Spanish 
power,  was  presented  in  the  form  given  below,**  to 
Prince  Maurice  in  October,  1591;  in  the  second, 
which  was  written  about  the  same  time  upon  the 
death  of  his  deceased  brother,  Jan  de  Groot,  the  boy 
of  eight  addresses  his  bereaved  father  with  words  of 
comfort ! ** 

In  the  pursuit  of  his  early  studies,  under  his  pre- 
ceptor Lusson  *^  and  others,  Grotius  was  so  absorbed 
that  he  spent  a great  part  of  the  night  with  his  books. 
We  are  told  by  the  old  Dutch  historian  that  “when 
his  mother,  preferring  that  he  enjoy  his  proper  rest 
at  night,  refused  to  give  him  candles,  he  used  his 
Sunday  money  secretly  to  buy  them.”  *®  Also,  he 
tells  *®  us  that  “being  rebuked  by  his  parents  on  a 
certain  occasion  about  his  careless  writing  (because 
he,  thinking  about  greater  matters,  would  give  him- 
self no  time  to  write  slowly  and  correctly)  Grotius 
gave  them  the  answer  ‘that  writing  was  only  a trade, 
but  needle  making  was  an  art,’  wishing  to  learn  the 

*2  “Plaudite  Mauritio  victori  quotquot  adestis ; 

Namque  is  Caesaream  Neomagum  venit  in  urbem, 

Vel  potius  Domino  Victori  plaudite  Christo, 

Namque  is  Mauritio  Neomagum  tradidit  urbem.” 

— Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  6. 

**  “Solve  precor  tristes  gemitus.  Pater  o reverende, 

Namque  is  Joannes,  quern  tristia  fata  tulerunt. 

Solvit  magna  suo,  quamquam  aegre,  debita  letho.” 

— Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  7. 

2*  Ep.  556,  p.  884. 

2®  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  7. 

26  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  7.  Brandt  obtained  these  anecdotes,  25  and  26, 
from  the  conversation  of  the  friends  of  Grotius. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  ii 


last  rather  than  the  first”  (if  he  had  to  learn  some 
trade) . 

When  he  had  scarcely  reached  the  age  of  eleven 
he  entered  the  University  of  Leiden,  then  in  its  nine- 
teenth year.  In  the  Poems  of  Grotius  we  have 
preserved  to  us  some  Latin  verses,  written  by  J.  van 
der  Does,  Heer  van  Nordwijk,  who  wrote  under  the 
name  of  Janus  Dousa.  In  these  verses  the  poet, 
who  had  been  very  prominent  in  the  siege  of  Leiden, 
addressed  the  young  student  in  words  expressive  of 
delight  at  the  precocious  start  in  university  educa- 
tion which  Grotius  had  made.*®  Nature  had  indeed 
lavished  her  gifts  upon  him,  for,  when  still  very 
young,  he  exhibited  a soundness  of  judgment,  a 
power  of  memory,  and  a boundless  energy  which 
proclaimed  him  a genius. 

At  the  university  the  young  de  Groot  seems  not 
to  have  limited  himself  to  any  particular  field  but 
2T  p.  447. 

Van  der  Does  thus  addresses  the  young  student: 

“Magne  puer,  Magni  dignissima  cura  parentis : 

Nomine  sis,  dubito,  major  an  ingenio. 

Grande  quidem,  sed  enim  debes  majoribus  illud: 

Major  ab  ingenio  laurea  parta  tibi. 

Omnia  principiis  certe  tarn  grandibus  insunt. 

Pallor?  an  et  talis  noster  Erasmus  erat? 

Credo  equidem : neque  me  fallunt  praesagia : nam  nil 
Vel  puerile  satis  corde  vel  ore  sonas, 

Quodque  aliis  aetas,  per  taedia  mille  laborum. 

Hoc  natura  ultro  gratificata  tibi  est, 

Undecimae  vixdum  egresso  confinia  brumae: 

Una  in  te  leges  ausa  migrare  suas. 

Quid  dignum  tanta  precer  indole?  perge  juventae 
Exemplo  et  genii  luce  praeire  tui. 

Et  Lugdunensi  jam  nunc  assuesce  theatro, 

Et  patriae  in  laudes  crescere  perge  tuae. 

Tempus  erit,  quum  te  mox  mirabuntur  adultum 
Certare  antiquis,  exsuperare  novos.” 

— Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  7. 


12 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


to  have  “exercised  himself  in  all  sorts  of  knowl- 
edge,” delving  into  Greek  and  Roman  history, 
Philosophy,  Astronomy,  Mathematics,  Religion  and 
Law,  with  a thoroughness  that  enabled  him  before  he 
was  twenty-two  to  produce  the  “De  Jure  Praedae,” 
a work  which  was  to  become  a masterpiece  in  the 
realm  of  International  Law.  We  have  It  from 
Brandt’s  own  hand  that  “he  was  very  intimate  with 
the  famous  Scaliger,  into  whose  home  as  a temple  of 
wisdom,  he  had  the  freedom  daily  to  come  and  go, 
with  his  intimate  companions  and  comrades  Peter 
Scriverius,  Dominicus  Baudius,  Daniel  Helnslus  and 
others.” 

While  a student,  Grotius  dwelt  in  the  home  of 
Franciscus  Junius,®^  author  of  “The  Peaceful  Chris- 
tian,” who  has  become  famous  In  history  for  the 
burning  zeal  he  displayed  in  favor  of  the  reforma- 
tion In  Holland  and  France,  and  for  the  longing  he 
held  for  religious  peace  and  toleration  In  the  con- 
troversies which  ran  riot  in  those  troublous  times. 
From  him  Grotius  Imbibed  the  tranquil  religious 
spirit  which  remained  with  him  through  life  and 
which  enabled  him  later  to  distinguish  so  clearly  be- 
tween serious  religious  controversy  and  the  point- 
less theological  quibblings  in  which  the  times 
abounded  and  which  he  thoroughly  despised.  Many 
years  after,  he  wrote  “that  this  man’s  (Junius’)  de- 
voutness was  always  in  his  memory  and  that  he  hlm- 

29  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  8. 

Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  8. 

3^  Grot.  Verantw.,  p.  295. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  13 


self  felt  far  more  advanced  in  the  exercise  of  true 
Righteousness  by  his  example  than  by  all  the  books 
he  ever  had  read.” 

Of  Grotius’  work  at  the  University  we  know  very 
little,  but  there  are  preserved  to  us  three  poems 
which  he  wrote  during  his  first  year  there,  and  which 
marked  him  as  a youth  mature  beyond  his  years. 
The  first,  written  upon  the  marriage  of  Georgius 
Melissus  and  Maria  van  Almonde,  and  the  second, 
praising  Professor  Joannes  Kuchlinus,  were  in 
Latin,  while  the  third,  which  was  addressed  to  the 
young  Prince  Frederick  Henry  upon  the  arrival  of 
his  mother,  Louise  de  Coligny,  from  France,  was 
in  Greek.®®  In  these  and  other  early  poems  he 
usually  signed  himself  “Hugeianus  Grotius,”  com- 
bining his  own  name  of  Hugo  with  that  of  his  father, 
Janus  or  Joannes.  However,  three  or  four  years 
later  he  discontinued  the  compounding  of  the  two 
names,  and  thereafter  we  find  his  writings  signed 
simply  Hugo  Grotius. 

As  a proof  of  his  intellectual  force  and  power,  we 
have  an  anecdote  which  comes  through  Brandt  ®* 
from  the  mouths  of  Grotius’  friends.  His  mother, 
who  had  been  reared  in  the  Popish  faith  (Brandt 
uses  the  expression  “Popish  misunderstandings”) 
had  remained  loyal  to  her  church  until  her  son 

32  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  8. 

33  The  title  of  this  poem  is  “Ode  Pindarica  ad  illustrissimum 
Comitem  Henr.  Fredericum  Nassovium  Guilielmi  Fil.,  pro  ad- 
ventu  Matris,”  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I, 
p.  9. 

3^  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  9. 


14 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


reached  the  age  of  twelve.  This  seems  to  have  dis- 
turbed the  youth,  and  forthwith  he  undertook  her 
conversion.  The  story  is  told  by  Brandt  as  fol- 
lows : “His  father,  a man  of  exceptional  modesty, 

who  up  to  this  time  had  been  able  to  influence  little 
of  the  mind  of  his  wife,  had  now  and  then  argued 
with  her  before,  ‘that  he  did  not  wish  to  trouble  her 
further,  but  that  he  foresaw,  that  her  son  would  yet 
convert  her.’  Following  this  prediction  the  young 
de  Groot  did  not  neglect  with  loving  words  to  show 
his  mother  her  blindness,  saying  many  times  that 
she  had  too  much  intellect  to  remain  a Papist  and 
exhorted  her  to  read  zealously  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
the  best  torch  which  could  enlighten  her  eyes. 
Through  this  means,  accompanied  by  the  healthy 
conversation  of  her  son,  was  her  sight  daily  cleared 
and  she  was  finally  stirred  to  embrace  the  teachings 
of  the  purified  Religion  with  a confession  of  her  pre- 
vious errors.”  This  incident,  coming  to  Brandt 
from  very  good  sources,  shows  that  there  was  little 
justification  for  those  who,  in  later  years  scornfully 
said  of  Grotius  “that  he  was  educated  in  the  Popish 
Religion  and  had  sucked  in  the  longing  for  the  Ro- 
man Church  with  the  motherly  milk  and  even  had 
had  a Catholic  Priest  for  a teacher.” 

That  the  boy  made  great  strides  in  his  work  there 
can  be  little  doubt,  for  in  his  fourteenth  year  (1597) 
he  took  part  in  two  public  debates  upon  philosophi- 

3=  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  9. 

39  See  the  remarks  on  the  letter  of  N.  Reigersberg,  printed 
1627,  p.  5 ; also  letter  of  H.  Grotius  to  J.  Laurent,  p.  31. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  15 


cal  questions,  and  wrote  in  praise  of  King  Henry  IV 
his  poem  “Triumphus  Gallicus,  parodia  Catulliana,” 
a witty  song  of  triumph,  after  the  style  of  the  poet 
Catullus,  and  sung  to  his  Majesty  upon  his  fortunate 
victory  at  Amiens.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this 
song  was  dedicated  to  Paulus  Choartus  Buzenval,  the 
Ambassador  from  France,  showing  that  the  mind  of 
the  boy  of  fourteen  had  already  turned  toward 
kings,  ambassadors  and  great  public  events.  In 
the  same  year,  having  delivered  his  public  theses  in 
Mathematics,  Philosophy,  and  Law,  he  left  the  Uni- 
versity. The  device  which  he  then  adopted,  and 
which  he  retained  as  his  motto  through  life,  “horav/' 
ruit,”  shows  that  when  still  very  young  he  realized 
the  fleeting  nature  of  time. 

The  reputation  of  the  precocious  youth  had  gone 
before  him,  and  learned  men  everywhere  spoke  of 
him  as  a prodigy.  As  early  as  1597  Isaac  Pontanus 
called  him  “a  youth  of  greatest  hopes” ; Meursius 
in  1599  pronounced  him  to  be  “a  youth  without  an 
equal”;  Jaques  Gilot,  in  a letter  written  from  Paris 
to  Meursius  in  1601,  remarked  that  “he  was  a 
youth  of  extraordinary  genius,”  while  Daniel  Hein- 
sius  declared  that  Grotius  was  a man  from  the  in- 
stant of  his  birth  and  never  had  any  childhood. 
Certainly  his  childhood,  if  Heinsius  was  in  a literal 


“Summae  spei  adolescentem.” 

“Adolescentem  sine  exemplo.” 

“Portentosi  juvenem  ingenii.” 

“Ille  dum  puer  fuit, 

Vir  esse  caepit : namque  reliqui  viri 
Tandem  fuere,  Grotius  vir  natus  est.” 


i6 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


sense  wrong,  was  passed,  just  as  were  the  other 
stages  of  his  development  and  preparation,  with  a 
power  and  celerity  of  attainment  almost  unknown  to 
the  world  before  or  since. 

Coming  from  the  University,  Grotius  ventured  to 
form  plans  which  required  great  foresight,  plans 
which  he  executed  with  such  precision,  with  such  per- 
fection, and  with  such  a minimum  of  lost  effort,  that 
the  whole  Republic  was  struck  with  astonishment. 
He  had  come  into  the  world  at  a time  when  the  af- 
fairs of  the  United  Provinces  were  in  the  greatest 
disorder.  The  small  territorial  divisions  had  been 
ripped  from  end  to  end  by  the  mighty  armies  of 
Philip  but  still  had  not  been  conquered.  The  Seven 
United  Provinces,  still  holding  to  the  Protestant  Re- 
ligion (Holland,  Utrecht,  Friesland,  Zeeland,  Gel- 
derland,  Groningen  and  Overijssel)  had  valiantly 
withstood  the  terrific  onslaughts  of  Spain.  William 
of  Orange,  the  great  hope  of  the  young  Republic, 
deprived  of  French  aid  by  the  Massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew  (August  24th,  1572),  but  fighting 
valiantly  to  the  last,  had  fallen  July  loth,  1584,  by 
the  bullet  of  the  assassin,  Balthazar  Gerard,  a 
fanatic  in  the  pay  of  Philip.  The  previous  year 
had  seen  the  quarrel  of  Anjou  and  the  Flemish, 
fanned  into  a blaze  by  religious  intolerance,  give 
rise  to  an  attempted  coup  d’  etat  by  the  rash  and 
impetous  lover  of  Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  and 
a quavering  in  the  ranks  of  the  great  lords  of  Hol- 
land who  were  beginning  to  despair. 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  17 


When  William  died,  uttering  as  his  last  words  the 
prayer,  “Lord,  have  pity  on  this  poor  land,”  every- 
thing was  prepared  for  proclaiming  him  hereditary 
monarch  of  the  United  Netherlands;  a deputation 
had  in  fact  been  sent  to  the  only  outstanding  cities 
of  Amsterdam  and  Gouda  to  tell  them  that  the  ahair 
would  be  consummated  in  spite  of  their  opposition, 
when  the  Intended  recipient  of  the  position  was 
struck  down.  With  the  death  of  their  leader  went 
Holland’s  hope,  which  William  had  no  doubt,  fos- 
tered, of  an  alliance  with  Henry  of  Navarre,  heir  to 
the  French  crown  upon  the  death  of  Anjou — a hope 
which  explains  William’s  marriage  with  Louisa  de 
Coligny,  daughter  of  the  Admiral. 

In  the  weakened  position  in  which  the  States  now 
found  themselves  they  appealed  to  Henry  III,  In 
October,  1584,  to  receive  them  as  his  subjects,  but 
the  Catholic  League  under  Henry  of  Guise  was  caus- 
ing the  King  of  France  too  much  discomfort,  and 
their  offer  was  declined.  Queen  Elizabeth,  how- 
ever, concluded  an  agreement  with  the  Provinces  by 
which  she  promised  to  send  five  thousand  foot,  and 
one  thousand  horse,  under  an  English  general,  these 
men  to  be  paid  by  her  until  the  war  was  over,  when 
she  was  to  be  reimbursed  for  their  services.  The  se- 
curity for  this  loan  was  the  putting  of  several  Dutch 
towns,  particularly  Flushing  in  Zeeland  and  Brille  In 
Holland,  into  her  hands  temporarily. 

But  being  rather  fearful  that  this  convention  be- 
tween her  and  Holland  might  offend  the  King  of 


i8 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Spain,  and  be  regarded  in  the  latter’s  country  as  a 
violation  of  the  then  existing  Spanish-English  alli- 
ance, Elizabeth  published  a manifesto  stating  that 
the  treaty  between  England  and  Holland  was  one  be- 
tween the  respective  states  rather  than  between  per- 
sons. Having  thus  smoothed  the  waters  of  national 
feeling  she  sent  forth  her  favorite,  the  Earl  of  Lei- 
cester, as  commander  of  her  forces. 

The  States,  anxious  to  express  their  gratitude  to 
England,  elected  Leicester  Governor  General  of  the 
United  Provinces  with  almost  absolute  powers,  only 
to  find  that  he  was  to  abuse  the  freedom  they  had 
given  him.  The  displeasure  of  the  Queen  with  the 
conduct  of  her  favorite  in  this  office  was  two  months 
later  appeased  by  a most  secret  letter  from  her 
“Sweet  Robin,”  but  the  plans  which  he  formed  to 
destroy  the  liberty  of  the  country  he  had  come  to  de- 
fend, and  his  unpardonable  blunders,  were  not  so 
easily  forgotten  by  the  Dutch;  and  the  Earl,  know- 
ing that  the  majority  of  the  Council  were  against 
him,  returned  to  England  for  an  eight  months’  stay, 
from  November,  1586,  to  July,  1587. 

In  his  absence  the  States  elected  a boy  of  eighteen 
to  the  command  of  their  army.  Count  Maurice  of 
Nassau,  son  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  Earl 
of  Leicester,  returning  to  Holland,  was  resolved  to 
secure  possession  of  more  towns,  but  his  attempts  to 
revolutionize  the  government  of  Amsterdam  and 
Leiden  were  frustrated,  and,  all  correspondence  be- 
ing broken  off  between  him  and  the  States,  there  was 


BIRTH,  ANCESTRY  AND  BOYHOOD  19 


nothing  left  for  Elizabeth  to  do  but  to  recall  him. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Elizabeth  would  tolerate 
no  word  against  her  favorite  and  even  went  so  far 
as  to  imprison  some  who  dared  to  criticize  “poor 
Will,”  the  man  whom  she  sheltered  under  her  royal 
plumage. 

With  Maurice  of  Nassau  as  their  Governor  Gen- 
eral, the  United  Provinces  successfully  defended 
their  liberty  for  the  following  ten  years;  and  when 
Henry  IV,  having  triumphed  over  the  Catholic 
League  (1594),  wished  to  restore  peace  by  a treaty 
with  Spain,  he  communicated  these  intentions  to  the 
Dutch. Truly  the  matter  was  of  vital  importance 
to  the  brave  little  country  in  the  north.  Up  to  this 
time  France,  through  the  war  which  she  was  carry- 
ing on  against  Spain,  had  protected  the  Netherlands. 
The  proposal  of  peace  between  France  and  Spain 
changed  the  aspect  of  affairs  altogether.  Such  a 
peace  seemed  to  hold  out  to  the  war-worn  and  weary 
Dutch  people  only  a promise  of  the  renewal  by  Spain 
of  her  hostile  attacks  and  religious  persecutions. 
To  save  them  from  this  disaster  two  possible  ways 
lay  open,  either  the  peace  must  be  prevented  or  a 
treaty  must  be  made  with  Philip.  The  States,  how- 
ever, being  disinclined  to  accept  the  terms  which 
Spain  dictated,  and  yet  realizing  Henry’s  determina- 
tion to  treat,  resolved,  in  1598,  to  send  Count  Justin 
of  Nassau,  natural  son  of  William  the  Silent  and 

De  Burigny,  Bk.  I,  p.  IS,  Memoirs  de  Bellievre  and  de  Silleri, 
T.  2,  p.  348. 


20 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Admiral  of  Zeeland,  and  Grand  Pensionary  Barne- 
veld  to  the  Court  of  France  in  order  to  beseech 
Henry  not  to  make  a separate  peace,  but  to  continue 
the  war  with  Spain. 

An  attempt  on  the  part  of  Henry  to  bring  about 
a four  months’  truce  between  Holland  and  Spain, 
in  the  hope  that  it  might  result  in  a peaceful  settle- 
ment, having  failed,  the  representatives  of  Holland 
set  out  for  France  on  March  i8th,  1598.  With 
them,  accompanying  the  great  statesman  Barneveld, 
went  Hugo  Grotius,  a lad  of  fifteen  years. 


CHAPTER  II 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 

The  journey  of  the  envoys — Grotius  meets  King  Henry  of 
France — His  stay  in  that  country — Returns  to  Holland  and  reg- 
isters as  a lawyer — Early  writings — The  “Adamus  Exul,” 
“Christus  Patiens,”  “Sophomphaneas” — Friendship  of  Grotius  and 
Vondel. 

The  instructions  of  the  envoys  were  simply  to  ask 
the  King  to  fulfill  his  covenants  with  the  league,  to 
continue  the  war  with  the  aid  of  Holland  against 
their  common  enemy.  As  a proof  of  their  readiness 
to  assist,  the  States-General  offered,  in  addition  to 
the  four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  gulden  ($i8o,- 
000 ) promised  by  them  for  the  support  of  the  four 
thousand  infantry  for  1598,  to  bring  all  their  mili- 
tary forces  to  the  support  of  Henry  in  the  war.^ 

As  was  the  practice  with  legations  of  those  times, 
the  envoys  took  with  them  all  the  things  they  would 
need  on  the  journey — horses,  carriages,  beds  and 
scores  of  servants,  using  for  their  trip  between  Brill 
and  Dieppe,  three  ships  of  war. 

Landing  at  Dieppe  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  of 
March,  1598,  the  envoys  were  met  at  the  city  gates 
by  the  governor  of  the  place,  but  declined  the  invita- 
tion to  occupy  the  “King’s  Mansion,”  which  was  de- 

1 Motley’s  “History  of  the  United  Netherlands,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  475. 

21 


22 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


void  of  furniture,  and  instead  rested  for  three  days 
at  the  Inn.  On  the  fourth  day,  the  twenty-third  of 
March,  the  party  made  the  trip  to  Rouen,  arriving 
in  the  evening.^  The  next  morning  they  pressed  on, 
stopping  only  for  the  night  at  Evreux,  Dreux,  Char- 
tres, and  Chateaudun,  and  reached  Blois,  a tired  and 
exhausted  party,  on  the  evening  of  March  30th. 
Again  taking  a day’s  rest,  they  pushed  onward  on  the 
morning  of  April  ist  to  Tours  and  thence  to  Lan- 
geais  and  Saumur.  Finally,  on  the  evening  of  April 
4th,  the  envoys  appeared  before  Angiers,  where  they 
were  met  outside  the  gates  by  the  governor  of  the 
castle,  attended  by  the  young  Prince  Frederick  Henry 
of  Nassau  and  followed  by  a long  train  of  nobles 
and  mounted  troops. 

The  details  of  the  negotiations  little  concern  us 
here.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  peace  was  almost 
concluded  before  the  envoys  had  set  foot  in  France. 
Indeed  the  southwest  wind  which  had  delayed  the  de- 
parture of  the  legation  from  the  Brill  from  January 
31st  to  March  i8th — forty-six  days — had  been  an 
ill  wind  (for,  while  the  party  was  eagerly  waiting 
an  opportunity  to  sail,  Henry,  anxious  to  recover  all 
the  cities  and  forts  which  the  Spanish  had  taken  from 
him,  and  to  relieve  the  country  of  the  burden  of  war, 
had  arranged  all  the  details  of  the  proposed  treaty. 

2 The  journey  and  negotiations  of  the  legation  are  fully  de- 
scribed by  Barneveld  in  his  report  to  the  States-General,  June  S, 
1598:  “Verhaal  van  ons  Justinus  ende  Johan  van  Olden-Barnevelt 
van  het  besoigne  gevallen  in  onse  Legatie  aan  de  Con.  Mat.  van 
Vranckrijck  gedaen  in  den  jaere  1598.”  Also  in  the  Annals  of 
Grotius,  Bk.  VII. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


23 


The  success  of  their  mission  to  France  having  thus 
been  forestalled,  the  discouraged  diplomatists 
crossed  over  to  England  ® to  seek  the  aid  of  the  Eng- 
lish Queen  in  the  extremely  perilous  predicament  in 
which  their  country  then  stood.  But  here,  as  in 
France,  they  were  again  doomed  to  disappointment, 
finding  an  irritated  and  ill-humored  Monarch  who 
turned  a deaf  ear  to  their  entreaties.  Not  only  did 
she  refuse  to  consider  the  possession  of  Brill  and 
Flushing  a sufficient  security  for  the  offer  the  envoys 
made  to  repay  the  debt  due  by  Holland  to  England 
— a matter  of  fourteen  hundred  thousand  pounds — 
in  fourteen  years,  but,  troubled  by  the  Irish  difficul- 
ties and  the  Ulster  rising  under  Hugh  O’Neill,  and 
realizing  that  her  people  could  never  supply  by  tax- 
ation what  the  mines  of  Spain  brought  to  the  King, 
she  resolved  to  conclude  peace.  And  so,  on  May 
31st,  1598,  the  envoys  took  leave  of  England  from 
Gravesend,  having  accomplished  nothing  of  impor- 
tance in  their  mission. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  April,  Barneveld 
had  introduced  the  young  Grotius  to  King  Henry  at 
an  interview  in  the  gardens  of  the  Castle  of  Anglers. 
The  fame  of  the  youth  had  gone  before  him,  and  his 
personality  seems  to  have  made  a strong  impression 
upon  King  Henry.  Brandt  describes  the  visit  of 
Grotius  to  the  Court  of  France  as  follows:  * “The 
fairness  of  his  judgment,  the  sharpness  of  his  intel- 

3 They  embarked  May  19th,  at  Dieppe. 

♦Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  11. 


24 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


lect,  the  charm  of  his  reasoning,  and  his  matchless 
understanding  which  manifested  itself  so  early, 
pleased  the  King’s  heart  so  much,  that  he  presented 
the  youth  with  a gold  chain,  on  which  his  Kingly  por- 
trait hung.  Also  people  say  that  his  Majesty  on  this 
occasion,  pointing  at  him  with  his  finger,  remarked, 
in  the  hearing  of  the  various  courtiers : ‘Behold  the 
miracle  of  Holland!  Look  you  upon  the  marvel  of 
Holland!’  ” ® “Upon  the  proposal  of  his  Majesty 
to  knight  and  ennoble  him,  the  young  de  Groot  gave, 
to  the  person  who  came  to  announce  this  to  him,  the 
answer,  ‘that  he  did  not  wish  to  do  his  own  race 
this  wrong  and  thanked  the  King’  ’’  ® — meaning  no 
doubt,  that  he  considered  democracy  and  equality  the 
essence  of  just  government. 

In  France  Grotius  found  an  open  path  to  the  fa- 
vor of  the  counsellors  of  the  Empire  and  of  the  ad- 
vocates and  promoters  of  knowledge  and  science, 
and  formed  many  friendships.  One  with  Petrus 
Jeannin  lasted  throughout  his  life  and  stood  him  in 
good  stead  in  later  years.  “Great  enjoyment  he  also 
found  in  the  society  of  the  young  Prince  of  Conde, 
Henry  of  Bourbon,  first  Prince  of  the  Royal  blood, 
then  only  ten  years  old,  who  earnestly  sought  to  keep 
him  at  the  Court  under  the  name  of  his  own  private 
secretary.”  ’’  And  although  Barneveld,  in  whose 
care  Grotius  was,  said  he  could  not  take  the  position 

® “Voy  la  le  miracle  d’Hollandel  Ziet  daer  het  Wonder  van 
Hollandt!”  Ibid.,  p.  11. 

® “dat  hy  zyn  eigen  geslacht  dat  ongelyk  niet  wilde  hebben 
aengedaen,  en  den  Koning  bedankte,”  ibid.,  p.  11. 

Ubid.,  p.  11. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


25 


without  the  consent  of  his  parents,  “since  these, 
when  this  came  to  their  knowledge,  would  neither 
give  their  stamp  of  approval  or  consent,”  ® yet  Gro- 
tius  retained  the  honorable  title  of  Private  Secretary 
to  the  young  Prince  even  after  his  departure  from 
France.  This  is  proved  by  the  addresses  of  many 
letters  written  to  him  after  this  time. 

Grotius  seems  not  to  have  followed  the  legation 
to  England  but  to  have  remained  behind  in  France, 
for  Brandt  tells  us  that  “he  spent  about  a year  in 
France.”  ® However,  before  he  departed,  at  the  de- 
sire of  his  parents,  from  the  country  which  had  re- 
ceived him  so  hospitably,  he  received  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws  from  the  University  of  Orleans,  his 
diploma  (promotiebrief ) bearing  high  testimony  to 
his  abilities  and  attainments.^® 

With  a thorough  knowledge  of  French,  a Doc- 
tor’s degree,  and  a portrait  of  the  King  of  the  coun- 
try he  had  visited,  Grotius  returned  to  the  land  of 
his  birth  to  register  himself  in  the  following  year 
upon  the  roll  of  lawyers.  Although  he  had  “had  the 
honor  to  kiss  the  hand  of  that  hero  who  owed  his 
kingdom  only  to  his  valor,”  “ the  maturity  of  his 
^Ihid.,  p.  11. 

p.  11. 

18  Promotiebrief  van  de  Universiteit  te  Orleans^ — Brandt’s  “Het 
Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  11,  12,  “and  we  ourselves 
because  of  his  honest  behaviour,  pious  life,  literature  and  famous 
name  (which  is  wide-spread  here  and  through  other  places  and 
which  he  has  won  himself  by  his  praiseworthy  diligence)  through 
the  testimony  of  the  many  who  know  him  are  fully  assured,”  etc. 
11  Poems  of  Grotius — In  Pascha,  anni  1612,  p.  213 : 

“Contigimus  dextram,  qua  nulla  potentior  armis. 

Qua,  quod  regnavit,  debuit  ipsa  sibi.” 

— De  Burigny,  Bk.  I,  p.  17. 


26 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


judgment  enabled  him  to  withstand  the  temptations 
which  the  luxuries  of  the  French  Court  offered  to  a 
life  of  intellectual  idleness,  and,  with  the  strong  sense 
of  duty  that  always  characterized  him,  he  threw  his 
splendid  intellect  and  energy  into  the  solution  of  the 
problems  of  his  own  country. 

On  the  13th  of  December,  1599,  he  took  as  a 
lawyer,  the  oath  of  fidelity  before  the  Court  of  Hol- 
land, presided  over  by  Nicolaes  van  Valkestein,  and 
two  days  later  before  the  High  Council,  presided 
over  by  the  Councillor  Cornelius  van  der  Nieu- 
stadt.^^  Since  he  wished  to  practice  law  at  The 
Hague,  his  father  placed  him  in  the  home  of  the 
Honorable  Joannes  Uitenbogaerdt,^®  who  was  then 
Court  Minister  of  Prince  Maurits,  and  “on  account 
of  his  fluent  eloquence,  great  intellect  and  singular 
gifts,  with  which  God  had  blessed  him,  was  held  in 
the  highest  honor  and  respect  by  great  and  small.” 

In  later  years,  when  Grotius  was  harrassed  with  a 
criticism  by  his  enemies  which  bordered  upon  slan- 
der, for  living  in  his  youth  with  this  Arminian  clergy- 
man, he  replied  that  “he  had  to  thank  him  (Uiten- 
bogaerdt)  most  highly  for  his  Christian  admonitions 
and  edifying  example,”  and  in  another  place  said 
to  his  teacher,  “I  pray  God  for  your  health  with  the 
same  zeal  as  I pray  for  that  of  my  father,  taking 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  13. 

De  Burigny  in  his  “Vie  de  Grotius”  states,  Bk.  I,  p.  9,  that 
Grotius  went  to  live  with  Mr.  “Uytembogard”  before  he  entered 
the  University  of  Leiden.  I have  been  able  to  find  no  authority 
for  this  statement. 

1*  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  13. 

1®  Grot.  Verantw.,  p.  295. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


27 

you  for  my  other  father  on  account  of  your  instruc- 
tion and  affection.” 

It  was  not  long  before  the  young  lawyer  was  plead- 
ing before  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  land.  It  is 
related  of  him  at  this  time  “that  in  arguing  a cer- 
tain case,  being  heated  by  a youthful  passion  against 
his  opponent,  who  was  an  old  and  aged  lawyer,  he 
spoke  so  ardently,  that  the  latter  admonished  him  ‘to 
think  that  he  still  was  young  and  spoke  against  an  old 
practitioner,’  whereupon  de  Groot  had  ready  this  in- 
genious answer,  ‘that  I know  well,  therefore  have  I 
first  advised  with  practitioners  who  are  in  my  office 
and  who  have  thus  instructed  me.’  ” 

Shortly  after  his  return  from  France  he  published 
in  1599  his  “Martianus  Capella”  with  brief,  clear 
notes,  dedicated  to  the  Prince  of  Conde  in  grateful 
acknowledgment  of  the  friendship  and  honor  the  lat- 
ter had  conferred  upon  him.  In  this  dedication  he 
praises  most  highly  all  such  princes  and  crowned 
heads  as  had  given  their  time  and  intellect  to  the 
fostering  of  knowledge,  the  men  who  had  encour- 
aged him  to  go  on  with  the  work  he  had  begun ; and 
in  the  preface  he  begs  the  reader  to  overlook  the 
faults  and  mistakes  of  the  book  because  of  his  youth. 
The  book  had  been  finished  in  his  fourteenth  year 
but  its  publication  had  been  neglected  because  of  his 
journey  to  France. 

Brief  van  den  26  September,  1637,  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van 
Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  13. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  13. 

18  December  29,  1598 — De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I, 

p.  23. 


28 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


In  precociousness  as  an  author  Grotius  now  stood 
with  the  famous  men  of  history  who  had  made  them- 
selves known  through  their  writings  in  the  early  years 
of  their  youth.  The  young  Plinius  had  written  a 
Greek  tragedy  in  his  fourteenth  year;  the  Italian 
Philippus  Beroaldus,  when  still  a boy,  had  pointed 
out  the  errors  in  the  notes  of  Servius  on  Virgil;  Lu- 
dovicus  Stella  in  his  fifteenth  year  had  taught  Greek 
Philosophy  at  Orleans;  and  now  Grotius  at  fourteen 
had  produced  the  “Martianus  Capella”  with  notes 
distinguished  by  learning  and  scholarship. 

Before  these  notes  stood  the  portrait  of  the  au- 
thor, here  reproduced  from  an  etching  by  Jacob  de 
Gein.  Above  the  portrait  we  find  the  year,  the  au- 
thor’s age,  and  his  motto  “Ruit  Hora” — and  below 
it  the  Latin  inscription: 

“Quern  sibi  quindenis  Astraea  sacravit  ab  annis, 

Talis  Hugeianus  Grotius  ora  fero.” 

Not  long  before  the  “Martianus  Capella”  was 
brought  before  the  world,  Grotius  sent  to  the  Prince 
of  Conde  a Latin  verse  of  praise  which  was  later 
printed  among  his  Latin  poems  under  the  title  of 
“Elegia  ad  Henricum  Borbonium  primeum  Galliae 
Principem.”  Also,  at  this  time,  he  wrote  some 
notes  upon  “Papinianus  and  Isidorus,”  as  well  as  a 
broad  interpretation  of  six  important  laws  which 
bore  the  title  “Afgeschafte  Wetten”  (Smoothed 

Beginning; 

“Regia  progenies,  quern  Francica  gentis  origo 
Borboniis  veteri  stemmate  nectit  avis;” 

— Grot.  Poem,  p.  149. 


Grotius  at  the  age  of  fifteen. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


29 


Laws)  ; but  neither  of  these  writings  was  published, 
so  far  as  I can  discover,  unless  they  later  appeared 
under  other  titles,  after  revision  by  his  more  mature 
intellect. 

In  the  same  year  in  which  the  “Martianus  Ca- 
pella”  was  published  (1599)  Grotius  brought  out 
a Latin  translation  of  Stevin’s  treatise  on  naviga- 
tion by  compass.  The  accomplishment  of  this  task, 
which  could  not  have  been  performed  without  a 
knowledge  of  mathematics,  shows  that  Grotius  was 
as  well  informed  In  the  sciences  as  his  “Capella” 
proved  him  to  be  in  philosophy,  logic  and  rhetoric. 
Following  a resolve  which  he  had  made  in  France 
the  year  before,  when  comparing  (with  Signor  Con- 
tarini.  Ambassador  of  Venice)  the  Republics  of  Hol- 
land and  Venice,  he  dedicated  this  work  on  April  ist, 
1599,  to  the  latter  Republic,  which,  like  Holland, 
had  fostered  and  cultivated  navigation  so  constantly. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  following  year,  1600,  he 
wrote  his  “Epithalamium  Reglum”  on  the  occasion 
of  the  marriage  of  Henry  IV  with  Marie  de  Medi- 
cis,  the  divorce  between  the  King  and  Marguerite  of 
Valois  having  been  granted.  This  poem,  containing 
the  highest  praise  of  the  King,  a vivid  picture  of  the 
Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and  an  explanation 
of  the  causes  of  the  civil  wars  of  France  before 
Henry  IV  obtained  the  crown,  was  shown  to  Scaliger 
and  on  July  4th,  1600,^^*  was  sent  to  the  learned 

Academiae  Lugunno,  Batavae  Typographum,  1599. 

21  Stevin  was  Mathematician  to  Prince  Maurice  of  Nassau. 

Grot.  Epist.  2,  p.  1. 


30 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


President  de  Thou,  in  France,  in  order  to  obtain 
their  advice  as  to  its  publication.  Thou,  formerly 
Maitre  des  Requetes,  and  now  President  a Mortier, 
Grotius  had  not  met  in  France,  but  upon  his  return 
to  Holland  we  find  that  he  sent  to  the  famous 
Frenchman  a copy  of  the  “Martianus  Capella,”  with 
a letter  lamenting  the  fact  that  he  had  not  met  him 
— a letter  which  was  the  beginning  of  a correspond- 
ence that  lasted  until  the  death  of  M.  de  Thou.** 
Whether  it  was  on  the  advice  of  these  two  friends 
or  was  his  own  decision,  we  do  not  know,  but  the 
“Epithalamium  Regium”  is  not  to  be  found  among 
his  published  poems.  It  is  not  unreasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  M.  de  Thou,  the  man  whom  Grotius  called 
“Vir  nostro  celsior  aevo,”  *®  who  sent  material  to 
him  for  his  history,**  who  later  advised  him  as  a 
father  when  he  was  about  to  enter  into  graver  con- 
troversies, would  not  have  hesitated  to  tell  him  that 
the  poem  contained  passages  which  might  not  be 
pleasing  to  all  of  France,  or  historical  statements 
which  might  be  disputed. 

These  early  writings  of  Grotius,  especially  his 
“Martianus  Capella,”  took  the  learned  world  by 
storm  and  caused  such  scholars  as  Scaliger,*®  de 
Thou,*®  Casaubon,*^  and  Vossius  publicly  to  avow 

“ Ep.  1,  p.  1,  April  1,  1599. 

Ep.  3,  p.  1,  “The  more  eminent  man  of  our  time.” 

2*  Ep.  3,  p.  1 ; Ep.  4,  p.  1. 

See  Latin  verse  of  Scaliger,  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius," 
Bk.  I,  p.  24. 

Grot.  Epist.  3,  p.  1. 

Epist.  Casaubon,  1030. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


31 


their  surprise  and  admiration.  Vossius,^®  indeed, 
comparing  the  youth  to  Erasmus,  declared  that  the 
whole  world  could  not  produce  a more  learned  man 
than  Grotius. 

From  this  time  until  the  end  of  his  life  every  year 
was  productive  of  writings  upon  the  many  subjects 
in  which  Grotius  was  interested.  The  same  year,®® 
1600,  saw  the  publication  of  the  “Aratea,”  the 
treatise  on  astronomy  which  Aratus  of  Sola,  in  Cil- 
icia, had  written  in  Greek  over  two  hundred  years 
before  Christ.  The  work,  under  the  title  “Phaen- 
omena  of  Aratus,”  contains,  besides  the  Phaenomena 
of  Aratus  in  Greek  with  Cicero’s  Latin  translation 
and  also  one  ascribed  to  Germanicus,  the  fragment 
of  the  Prognostics  of  Aratus,  the  forms  of  the  con- 
stellations as  found  in  a manuscript,  and  a para- 
phrase of  Festus  Avienus,  “Cum  notis  brevibus  in 
margine  appositis.”  Grotius  dedicated  the  book  to 
the  States  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland,  promis- 
ing something  better  in  the  future.  Perhaps  even 
then  he  was  laying  the  plans  for  the  great  works 
which  were  to  make  him  the  most  famous  scholar 
of  his  age.  The  book  is  an  excellent  treatise  of  sci- 
ence and  art,  and  the  Latin  verses  made  by  Grotius 
to  replace  some  of  those  of  Cicero  which  had  been 

28  “Martianum  Cappellam  felicissime  passim  restituit  adhuc 
annorum  XIV,  annoque  uno  altero  post  divulgavit,  quo  Batavo 
altero  eius  terrae  cum  magno  Erasmo  lumine  nihil  nunc  undique 
eruditius  vel  sol  videt,  vel  solum  sustinet,”  De  Hist.  Latinis,  Lib. 
3,  and  Burig^y’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  24. 

*8  Academiae  Lugduno,  Batavae  Typographum,  1600. 


32 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


lost,  are,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Abbe  d’  Olivet,  equal 
to  the  work  of  the  great  Roman. Again  Scali- 
ger,^^  de  Thou,  Lipsius,®^  Casaubon,®®  and  Vul- 
canus  voiced  their  praise  of  the  boy  who  at  seven- 
teen had  published  such  a book. 

His  “Prosopopoeia,”  in  which  he  makes  the  city 
of  Ostend,  which  had  been  besieged  by  the  Spaniards 
for  three  years,  speak,  was,  at  the  time  of  its  publi- 
cation, so  well  thought  of  that  it  was  ascribed  to 
Scaliger,  the  greatest  poet  of  that  time.  Peyresc,®® 
upon  hinting  this  to  Scaliger,  was  told  that  he  was 
too  old  to  be  liked  by  the  Virgins  of  Helicon  and  that 
the  verses  were  really  written  by  the  most  accom- 
plished youth,®®  Hugo  de  Groot.  Notwithstanding 
this  statement,  Mathieu,  in  his  “Life  of  Henry  IV,” 
ascribes  them  to  Scaliger,  while  du  Vair,  later  Keeper 
of  the  Seals,  Rapin,  Grand  Provost  of  the  Constab- 
ulary, Pasquier  and  Malherbe,  “the  oracle  of  the 
French  Parnassus,”  translated  the  work  into  French, 
and  Casaubon  put  it  into  Greek. 

In  i6oi  Grotius  published  at  Leiden  his  first  trag- 


De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  28,  “Voyez  le 
Ciceron  de  Mr.  I’Abbe  d’Olivet,  Tome  9.” 

Ep.  Seal.  375 ; Ep.  Grot.  2,  p.  1. 

88  Letter  of  16th  of  November,  1600,  from  Lipsius  to  Grotius : 
“May  God  take  you,  worthy  de  Groot,  in  his  protection,  and  aug- 
ment your  modesty,  virtue  and  fame.” 

88  Epist.  1030,  “Mirari  omnes,  et  stupere  ad  hoc  novum  ingenii 
tui  portentum.” 

8*  “Nil  mirum ; Delphis  nutritus  in  ipsis 

Plenum  Phoebo  numine  pectus  habes. 

Tota  patet  cortina  tibi,  et  sacraria  Phoebi: 

Perge  ita,  Groti ; ipsus  sic  mihi  Phoebus  eris.” 

35  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  30;  authority,  “Vie 
de  Peyresc,”  by  Gassendi,  Bk.  II,  p.  79. 

86  “Adolescentem  lectissimum.” 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


33 


edy,  “Adamus  Exul,”  dedicated  to  the  Prince  of 
Conde,  a work  from  which  the  great  poet  Vondel  ob- 
tained materials  for  his  “Lucifer,”  which  Professor 
Leonard  C.  van  Noppen  has  translated  into  English 
so  masterfully.  Yet  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
greatest  of  all  Dutch  poets,  writing  in  his  mature 

age,  resorted  for  matter  to  the  work  of  the  boy 
of  eighteen,  we  find  that  Grotius,  in  a letter  to  Vos- 
sius,  July  17th,  1616,  expressed  his  dissatisfaction 
with  this  first  effort  at  tragedy,  and  refused  to  allow 
it  to  appear  in  the  collection  of  his  poems  published 
by  his  brother.  It  evoked,  however,  universal 
praise  from  the  learned  men  of  the  time,  a letter 
from  Lipsius  saying:  “I  have  seen  your  ‘Adamus,’ 
have  read  it  in  part  and  from  that  part  have  judged 
all  to  be  good.  Easily  can  I presume  that  you  are 
the  same  in  all.  I should  say  that  I was  astonished 
if  your  former  writings  had  not  taken  away  from  me 
the  reason  for  my  astonishment  (to  use  this  word). 
You  have  already  given  many  evidences  of  your  in- 
tellect and  still  continue  to  give  them,  so  that  we  not 
only  expect,  but  demand,  of  you  nothing  but  what  is 
good  and  great.  The  subject  especially  has  pleased 
me  greatly  and  that  you  give  yourself  to  the  serious 
occupations  and  the  study  of  the  true  wisdom. 
Those  are  small  intellects,  which  alone  seek  the  pleas- 

“Adam  in  Banishment.” 

Ep.  77,  p.  34,  “Adami  exsulis  poema  juvenilius  est,  quam  ut 
ausim  addere.” 

3®  Ep.  Lip.  99,  Centuria  Miscellanea,  p.  108,  Feb.  3,  1602.  Also 
published  in  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I, 

pp.  17-18. 


34 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


ure  of  their  mind  and  apply  themselves  to  elegant 
words.  Let  us  come  to  the  point  and  take  nothing 
more  to  heart  than  the  treating  of  such  subjects  as 
greatly  adorn  our  souls  and  lead  to  the  true  salva- 
tion. The  intellectual  philosophy  is  a large  part  of 
this  study,  knowledge  of  which  you  have  very  happily 
given  proof  of  in  your  tragedy.  Go  forth  to  love 
those  things,  to  stand  for  knowledge  without  vanity, 
for  learning  without  novelty.  He  who  deviates 
from  the  common  path  and  seeks  circuitous  ways, 
seeks  errors  and  confusions.  Keep  away  from  that. 
So  shall  God,  who  is  honored  here,  afterward  bless 
you.” 

Grotius’  second  tragedy  appeared  at  Leiden  seven 
years  later,  in  1608,  dedicated  to  the  Knight  Petrus 
Jeannin,  Privy  Counsellor  of  the  Kings  of  France, 
and  Ambassador  to  the  States  of  Holland.  The 
tragedy  bore  the  name  of  “Christus  Patiens”  and 
was  very  highly  praised  as  a model  of  perfect  trag- 
edy. It  was  lauded  by  Casaubon  and  translated 
into  English,  with  a dedication  to  Charles  I,  by 
Sandes.^^  That  Petrus  Jeannin  was  a peace-loving 
Christian  there  is  little  doubt,  for  Grotius  in  his  dedi- 
cation addresses  him  in  these  words:  “One  can  find 
no  subject,  more  in  concord  with  your  heart,  which 
so  long  has  lamented  and  grieved  over  the  sad  quar- 
to Casaubon.  Epist.  597,  p.  313,  “Eo  viro  dignissima,  cuius  olim 
pueri,  et  adhuc  sub  alis  matris,  rudimenta  doctos  omnes  stupore 
perculerunt;  ut  magnum  non  videri  debeat,  si  quae  hac  aetate 
adultiore  scribis,  nemo  sanus  et  intelligens,  sine  admiratione  tui 
possit  legere.”  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  31-32. 

Epist.  Grot.  1285,  p.  582 ; Ep.  473,  p.  889. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


35 


reling  of  this  age,  and  has  endeavored  to  care  for  the 
peace  of  the  Church  (which  we  all  wish  for)  with 
such  great  diligence.” 

The  third  tragedy  of  Grotius,  “Sophomphaneas” 
or  “Joseph,”  the  title  signifying  in  Egyptian  the 
“Savior  of  the  world,”  was  published  in  1635, 
shortly  before  he  was  called  upon  to  serve  as  Swedish 
Ambassador  to  France.  The  opinion  of  the  great 
Vossius  with  respect  to  this  tragedy  is  intimated  in 
his  remark  to  Meursius,  that  it  was  the  most  perfect 
production  of  its  kind  the  age  had  produced.*®  Von- 
del,  one  of  the  greatest  poets  the  world  has  ever 
known,  translated  this  piece  of  work,  “in  all  parts  so 
perfect  that  it  might  be  compared  with  the  best  plays 
of  the  ancients,”  **  into  the  Dutch  language  without 
the  knowledge  of  Grotius.  Upon  hearing  of  the 
translation,  the  latter  wrote  to  Vossius  from  Paris, 
where  he  now  resided  as  Ambassador  from  Sweden, 
“I  understand  that  Vondel  has  done  my  tragedy  the 
honor  of  putting  it  in  Dutch  clothes  with  his  own 
hand,  which  is  a very  happy  one.  I owe  him  many 
thanks  because  he,  who  by  himself  can  produce  bet- 
ter things,  has  bestowed  his  labor  on  the  translation 
of  mine,  as  a proof  of  his  friendship.” 

This  translation  by  Vondel  of  Grotius’  “Sophom- 
phaneas” forms,  with  two  tragedies  of  his  own,  a 
Joseph  Trilogy — the  first  and  third  parts  being  writ- 

*2  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  27. 

Voss.  Ep.  313,  p.  317 ; De  Burigny,  Bk.  I,  p.  32. 

**  Brandt’s  “Leven  van  Vondel,’’  p.  SI. 

*5  Grot.  Ep.  527,  p.  204. 


36 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


ten  by  Vondel  himself,  the  middle  part  being  the 
translation. 

It  may  be  well  here  to  say  something  of  the  friend- 
ship of  these  two  men,  which,  in  spite  of  the  great 
difference  in  their  stations  (Vondel  keeping  a stock- 
ing store  which  his  wife,  having  more  of  a head  for 
business  than  for  poetry,  often  tended)  lasted 
throughout  their  lives.  On  many  occasions  the  great 
poet  turned  to  the  man  he  respected  as  the  Phoenix 
of  learning  for  help  and  advice,  and,  as  has  already 
been  remarked,  he  actually  took  from  the  “Adamus 
Exul”  material  for  his  greatest  poem,  “Lucifer.” 
To  be  sure,  the  poetry  of  Vondel  surpasses  that  of 
Grotius  as  the  work  of  a great  poet  of  mature  age 
would  surpass  the  creations  of  a youth  of  eighteen, 
who,  besides  being  a poet,  was  also  pre-eminent  as 
an  historian,  a theologian,  a diplomatist,  a lawyer, 
and  a statesman.  Because  of  differences  in  birth 
and  station,  and  the  profound  respect  and  admiration 
the  poet  had  for  the  statesman,  Vondel’s  letters, 
dedications  and  poems  to  Grotius  have  the  tone  of  an 
inferior  speaking  to  a superior.  For  instance,  in  his 
poem  on  the  escape  of  Grotius  from  Loevestein, 
Vondel  speaks  of  Grotius’  wife  as  “gemalin”  or 
“consort,”  a word  which  would  only  be  used  to-day 
to  designate  a titled  lady.  Nevertheless,  of  their 
close  friendship,  we  fortunately  have  many  proofs.*® 
In  1628,  Vondel  dedicated  his  translation  of  Sen- 

See  G.  Brandt’s  “Leven  van  Vondel,”  edited  by  Dr.  Eelco 
Verwijs,  1866,  p.  46  and  following. 


YOUTHFUL  ACTIVITIES 


37 


eca’s  tragedy,  “Hippolytus,”  to  Grotius,  then  in  ban- 
ishment, but  the  printer  hesitated  to  publish  the  ded- 
ication, which  consisted  of  a poem  declaring  and  sup- 
porting the  innocence  of  Grotius  and  Olden  Barne- 
veldt,  and  thus  it  was  that  the  first  edition  appeared 
with  the  dedication  cut  out.  In  1631,  when  Grotius 
arrived  in  Amsterdam  after  his  long  banishment  (he 
had  come  secretly  to  Rotterdam  in  October,  1631, 
but,  followed  by  the  law,  which  had  placed  a reward 
of  two  thousand  gulden  on  his  head,  he  betook  him- 
self to  Amsterdam,  where  he  arrived  December  9th, 
and  remained  in  hiding  until  April  17th,  1632,  when 
he  departed  for  Hamburg)  Vondel  wrote  his  “Wel- 
come to  Grotius  in  Amsterdam,”  speaking  without 
reserve  from  his  innermost  heart.  The  poem  was 
published  anonymously  owing  to  the  fear  of  the  au- 
thor that  such  a defense  of  a man  banished  by  the 
government,  might  bring  punishment  upon  his  own 
head  as  well. 

Again,  in  1632,  when  Grotius  found  it  impossible 
to  remain  longer  in  Holland,  and  was  forced  to 
leave  for  Hamburg,  Vondel  wrote  a poem  on  his 
departure,  which,  however,  he  later  decided  not  to 
publish  because  he  feared  it  might  be  too  strong  in 
the  defense  of  his  friend  to  please  the  taste  of  those 
in  power.  Vondel  sent  a copy  of  the  poem  to  Gro- 
tius, which  the  latter  acknowledged  in  these  lines : " 
“Your  reflections  in  the  poem  on  my  departure,  I ap- 
prove of.  With  great  difficulty  should  one  (mean- 

Brandt’s  “Leven  van  Vondel,”  p.  46,  edition  of  1866. 


38 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


ing  the  officials)  have  avoided  taking  offense,  and 
easily  could  one  (meaning  Vondel)  have  done  him- 
self harm  without  doing  me  good.”  Thus  we  see 
the  extremely  guarded  and  cautious  language  the  fu- 
ture diplomatist  was  obliged  to  use. 

The  subjects  of  his  two  first  tragedies  attest  that, 
as  a youth,  Grotius  was  already  meditating  upon 
those  religious  subjects  which  later  he  was  to  discuss 
as  an  authority  without  a peer. 

William  Grotius,  brother  of  Hugo,  upon  noticing 
the  many  mistakes  present  in  the  German  edition  of 
his  brother’s  poems,  brought  out  in  September,  i6i6, 
a collection  dedicated  to  van  der  Myle,  son-in-law  of 
the  Grand  Pensionary  Barneveld,  Deputy  to  the 
States-General,  Director  of  the  University  of  Lei- 
den, and  a warm  friend  of  Grotius.  In  a letter  writ- 
ten December  14th,  1615,  the  preceding  year,  Gro- 
tius shows  his  disapproval  of  the  project  of  his 
brother,  anticipating,  no  doubt,  the  criticism  which 
actually  came  when  later  he  attempted  to  reconcile 
the  two  religious  factions  of  his  country.  That 
these  reproofs  cut  deeply  into  his  nature  is  evident 
from  the  wish  of  his  later  life,  that  only  his  sacred 
poems  had  been  preserved.^® 

^8  Ep.  736,  p.  974,  Dec.  10,  1644,  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius," 
Bk.  I,  p.  36. 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


Grotius  is  chosen  to  write  a history  of  his  country — His  method 
of  pleading — Dissatisfaction  with  the  practice  of  law — The  “De 
Jure  Praedae” — Chosen  for  office  of  Attorney  General — Marries 
Maria  van  Reigersbergen — Grotius  publishes  “The  Free  Sea” — 
England  attempts  to  refute  his  teachings — “History  of  Old  Hol- 
land” published — “History  of  the  Netherlands,  1560-1609,”  com- 
pleted— Grotius  becomes  Pensionary  of  Rotterdam — The  Dutch- 
English  fisheries  dispute,  over  which  Grotius  is  sent  to  England — 
Grotius’  directions  for  study. 

During  the  years  of  his  “Adams  Exul”  and 
“Christus  Patiens”  Grotius  was  also  working  with 
characteristic  energy  on  subjects,  if  not  more  im- 
portant, surely  of  more  worldly  significance. 
Throughout  his  life,  one  of  his  most  astonishing 
characteristics  was  his  ability  to  project  his  intellect, 
with  equal  success,  simultaneously  along  the  lines 
of  poetry,  religion,  history,  and  law. 

In  the  year  i6oi  the  United  Provinces  resolved 
to  choose  an  historian  who  should  write,  for  the 
benefit  of  posterity,  a history  of  the  exploits  of 
marvelous  courage  displayed  by  the  people  of  these 
tiny  Provinces  of  the  north,  in  the  war  to  maintain 
their  liberty  against  the  tremendous  attack  of  Spain, 
then  the  mightiest  power  of  Europe.  Over  Baudius, 
then  Professor  of  Rhetoric  in  the  University  of 


40 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Leiden,  Grotius,  then  a youth  of  eighteen,  was 
chosen  by  the  States-General  ^ for  the  task. 

As  a lawyer  in  later  life  we  find  Grotius  writing  ^ 
to  his  son  Peter,  giving  him  his  method  of  pleading 
and  advising  him  to  employ  it.  “Lest  you  be 
worsted  by  the  lack  of  order  observed  by  those 
against  whom  you  speak,  I will  give  you  advice, 
which  I have  found  advantageous.  Put  in  place 
all  that  can  be  said  by  both  sides,  keeping  it  strongly 
in  your  memory,  and,  whatever  your  adversary 
says,  refer  to  it  not  under  his,  but  under  your  classi- 
fication.” Yet  to  the  man  now  occupied  in  the  ser- 
vice of  his  country  and  considered  by  King  Henry 
IV  of  France  for  the  position  of  Royal  Librarian,® 
the  practice  of  the  law  seems  to  have  been  an 
irksome  task.  In  a letter  of  July  21st,  1603,^  Gro- 
tius complained  to  his  friend  Daniel  Heinsius,  who, 
although  only  three  years  his  senior  was  professor 
at  Leiden,  about  the  insignificance  and  ingloriousness 
of  the  practice  with  which  he  fatigued  himself. 
“You  know  not,  my  worthy  Heinsius,”  he  writes,® 
“how  much  time  the  ungrateful  practice  robs  me 

of . In  no  case  has  the  fruit  repaid  the  cost 

of  the  work  done . How  sad  I become  when 

I hereon  think  you  can  understand,  who  know  how 
my  heart  longs  for  study  and  how  a profession  must 

1 See  Resolution  of  the  States  of  Holland,  Nov.  9th,  1601. 

2 Ep.  1134,  p.  512,  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  40. 

3 The  post  was  finally  given  to  Casaubon,  a Protestant. 

* Burman.  Sylloge.  Epist.  II,  p.  391. 

® Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  367 : 

“Een  onuitgegeven  werk  van  Hugo  de  Groot.” 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


41 


disgust  me  which  has  the  name  of  being  only  a bare 
livelihood.  Comfort  me  as  you  can  in  my  sorrow, 
that  increases  with  the  day.  You  can  not  believe 
how  very  earnest  my  complaint  is.” 

Having  the  instincts  and  accomplishments  of  a 
scholar,  Grotius  found  it  difficult  to  resist  the  inclina- 
tion to  give  himself  completely  to  the  pursuit  of  his 
favorite  studies.  In  later  years  ® Grotius,  who,  as 
a youth  had  lamented  that  “the  lawyer  only  gets 
hatred  from  those  against  whom  he  pleads,  small 
rewards  from  his  clients,  and  little  honor  from  the 
public,”  declared  that  his  friends  by  urging  him  too 
early  to  the  study  of  law,  retarded  the  progress  he 
might  have  made  in  other  directions.  Between  the 
years  1601  and  1603,  however,  he  worked  with 
such  diligence  and  productiveness  that  he  advanced 
by  great  strides  in  wisdom  and  judgment.  His 
published  writings  are  a proof  of  this,  for  what  in 
1601  he  was  willing  to  publish,  he  withheld  in  1603 
as  no  longer  worthy.'^ 

In  1602  his  two  professors,  Francis  Junius  and 
Lucas  Trelcatius,  succumbed  to  the  plague  in 
Leiden,®  and  Grotius  helped  Professor  Gomar  with 
two  elegies  to  them,  the  funeral  song  of  Junius  be- 
ing a splendid  comparison  of  the  scholar  just  de- 
ceased with  the  two  great  Romans  of  the  same  name 
who  had  done  so  much  for  their  country. 

® In  a letter  of  June  24th,  1621;  Ep.  150. 

^ See  Fruin’s  “Een  onuitgegeven  werk  van  Hugo  de  Groot,”  p. 
406. 

® Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  19. 


42 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Also,  in  the  same  year,  Grotius  lost  his  younger 
brother  Franciscus  Grotius  who  “was  taken  away 
from  this  world  in  his  seventeenth  year,  in  the  midst 
of  his  studies  in  the  law,  a youth  of  great  hope  and 
expectation,  whose  death  cost  his  old  father  salt 
tears,  to  dry  up  which  the  vigilant  Hugo  sent  to  his 
father  a moving  funeral  poem  with  many  consoling 
notes,  from  which  all  bereaved  fathers  in  like  cir- 
cumstances, of  the  losing  of  their  children,  still,  at 
this  time,  can  draw  some  relief.”  ® 

The  year  1604  saw  the  production  of  a Latin 
poem  on  the  siege  of  Ostend.  In  this  poem  the  city 
which  had  been  besieged  for  three  years,  a siege 
which  came  to  an  end  in  September  of  the  following 
year,  spoke  in  solemn,  impressive  words  of  the  fight 
she  had  fought  against  famine,  the  winter,  and  the 
plague. 

In  spite  of  his  impatience  with  his  profession, 
Grotius  seems  to  have  become  a very  successful 
lawyer,  for,  in  the  same  year  he  was  called  upon  by 
no  less  a personage  than  Prince  Maurice  for  advice 
and  assistance  in  a controversy  with  the  Bishop  of 
Munster,  over  the  seignorage  of  Kloppenburg.  In 
1605  Professor  Dominicus  Baudius,  who  called 
Grotius  “the  ornament  and  gem  of  Holland 
youth,”  requested  the  young  lawyer  to  protect 
in  court  his  friend  Scriverius  in  a case  considered 

^Ibid,  Bk.  I,  p.  20. 

10  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  22. 

Letter  of  March  6th,  1605.  Brandt,  ibid.,  p.  22. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


43 


to  be  wholly  lost,  writing: — “We  must  not  command 
such  doctors  or  excellent  physicians  until  the  sick 
lay  dying;  further,  however  despairing  this  matter 
may  be,  there  is  still  hope  of  restoration  if  the  whole 
Grotius  is  given  to  it.” 

It  almost  seems  as  though  the  learned  men  of 
Holland  were  afraid  of  the  tremendous  Intellect 
of  the  young  scholar.  Baudius,  Brandt  tells  us,^^ 
in  a letter  of  September,  1606,  relates  how  Grotius 
unexpectedly  had  come  into  one  of  his  lectures  “and 
had  driven  such  terror  into  him  by  his  extraordinary 
presence  that  he  had  got  lockjaw,”  causing  him, 
though  he  had  taken  a rich  subject,  to  cover  it  so 
scantily  that  he  found  it  necessary,  at  the  end  of  the 
lecture,  to  seek  Grotius’  pardon ! 

The  winter  of  1604  and  the  spring  of  1605 
witnessed  the  composition  of  a treatise  or  argument 
far  more  substantial  tlian  anything  the  pen  of  Gro- 
tius had  theretofore  undertaken  in  the  law — the 
“De  Jure  Praedae”  or  “The  Law  of  Spoils.”  In 
November,  1864,  there  was  discovered  In  a sale 
at  Martinus  Nijhoff’s,  in  the  Hague,  a manuscript 
of  Grotius,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and  eighty 
pages,  and  inscribed  “H.  Grotii  opus  de  jure 
praedae  In  XVI  capita  divisum.”  The  manuscript 
was  purchased  by  the  Law  Faculty  of  the  University 
of  Leiden,  who  desired  to  have  it  In  an  open  library, 
and  was  placed  among  their  collections  where  it 

12  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  23. 


44 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


remains  to-day.  This  manuscript,  which  is  clearly 
a transcript  or  second  copy,^®  is  written  In  Latin 
script  in  the  neat  hand  of  the  author  upon  rough, 
unruled  paper.  In  some  places  words  and  sentences 
are  scratched  out  to  be  replaced,  and  perhaps  en- 
larged, with  other  phrases.  Along  the  broad 
margin  at  the  left  appear  the  references  of  the 
author,  the  anchors  which  the  student  of  Grotius 
soon  learns  to  expect.  From  what  time  the  altera- 
tions date  it  cannot  be  accurately  said,  but  certainly 
not  later  than  the  end  of  1608,^*  when  the  twelfth 
chapter  of  the  manuscript  was  published  under  the 
title  of  “Mare  Liberum.”  Ink  and  writing  go  to 
prove  that  none  of  the  alterations  are  later  than 
those  which  were  in  it  when  it  was  divided  for 
printing.^'’ 

After  the  manuscript  was  safely  secured.  Pro- 
fessor Vissering,  a member  of  the  faculty  through 
which  the  work  was  bought,  set  himself  to  the  task 
of  examining  the  work,  and  gave  the  result  of  his 
study  to  the  Royal  Academy  of  learning,  in  whose 
report  of  1865  his  investigation  Is  published. 
Later,  Professor  Fruin,  also  of  the  Leiden  faculty, 
read  the  manuscript  through  and  decided  to  publish 
the  treatise  that  the  world  might  benefit  by  it. 
After  consulting  Mr.  Nijhoff  upon  the  cost  of  such 
an  undertaking,  he  conferred  with  Dr.  Hamaker, 

Fruin,  who  has  examined  the  manuscript  very  carefully, 
says  this  is  undoubtedly  so,  in  his  “Verspreide  Geschriften,” 
vol.  Ill,  p.  408. 

11  Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  408. 

1®  Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  408. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


45 


who,  as  an  experienced  man  of  letters  was  particu- 
larly fitted  for  such  a philological  task,  and  who 
took  the  care  of  the  printing  upon  himself.  So, 
in  1868  the  “De  Jure  Praedae”  was  edited  in  Latin 
by  these  two  men.  Professor  Fruin  contributing  an 
article  on  the  origin  and  history  of  the  book. 

The  “De  Jure  Praedae”  is  a pleading  In  the 
great  struggle  which  the  Dutch  East  India  Company, 
for  which  Grotius  was  counsel,  was  waging  with 
arms  against  the  Portuguese,  and  is  thus  an  argu- 
ment against  the  claims  of  the  Portuguese  nation 
under  the  Papal  decree  of  Alexander  VI,  May  4th, 
1493,  dividing  the  then  recognized  world  into  two 
parts  by  the  “Papal  line  of  demarcation”  and  giv- 
ing all  discovered  and  explored  lands  west  of  it  to 
the  Spanish,  all  east  of  it  to  the  Portuguese. 

In  order  to  understand  the  work  it  is  necessary 
to  go  back  a little  way  Into  the  history  of  the  times. 
In  1598,  twenty-two  ships  of  five  different  Holland 
and  Zeeland  Companies,  had  sailed  to  trade  In  the 
East  Indies.  The  Dutch  government  was  appre- 
hensive lest  the  war  waging  with  Spain  should  be 
carried  Into  the  Indian  Ocean  against  the  Portu- 

This  line  ran  from  pole  to  pole,  one  hundred  leagues 
west  of  the  Azores  and  Cape  Verde  Islands,  approximately 
through  the  now  13th  west  meridian.  Portugal  protested  to  the 
position  of  this  line,  and  a conference  between  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal was  held  the  next  year,  1494,  at  which,  by  common  con- 
sent, the  line  was  shifted  to  a position  three  hundred  and  sev- 
enty leagues  west  of  the  islands,  approximately  where  the 
SOth  west  meridian  now  runs.  Fish  locates  it  between  41°  and 
44°  west  longitude.  After  Columbus  had  returned  to  demonstrate 
that  the  world  was  round,  the  line  meant  nothing,  since  west  was 
east  and  east  was  west  if  one  but  sailed  west  and  east,  respec- 
tively, long  enough. 


46 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


guese,  and  consequently  the  captains  of  these  trading 
ships  were  advised  and  warned  not  to  use  their 
cannon  and  arms  except  in  self  defense.  The  order 
was : “Seize  or  damage  no  ships,  whatever  nation 

they  belong  to,  in  the  journey  out  and  the  return 
voyage.’’ 

But  the  Portuguese  regarded  the  Dutch  merchants 
as  sea  rovers,  and  each  ship  that  came  home  from 
her  voyage  brought  fresh  news  of  maltreatment  by 
the  nation  which  founded  her  right  to  trade  with 
the  colonies  upon  the  decree  of  the  father  of  Caesar 
Borgia.  Consequently  the  Dutch,  whose  foreign 
policy  was  even  then  one  of  commercial  instead  of 
political  supremacy,  became  more  and  more  aroused, 
and  finally  the  many  small  and  independent  trading 
companies  met  and  in  self  defense  formed  one  com- 
pany, the  Dutch  East  India  Company,  in  order  that, 
thus  united,  they  might  trade  with  the  Indies  and 
protect  their  interests  there. 

The  East  India  Company,  now  fortified  within 
itself,  soon  proceeded  to  carry  on  the  war  against 
the  enemy  of  Holland,  and  to  enrich  itself  with  the 
spoils.  In  1604  Heemskerck  brought  in  as  a spoil 
of  war,  the  Catharina.  “Still  her  right  to  do  this 
was  disputed  and  the  mental  objections  which  were 
raised  against  it  were  used  by  her  enemies  as  a 
pretext  to  call  to  life  a dangerous  rival  next  to  her. 
It  seemed  fitting,  not  only  for  the  benefit  of  fellow 

Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  372 : “geen 
schepen,  wat  natien  die  oock  toebehoorden,  in’t  gaen  ende  weder- 
keeren  aen  te  grypen  of  te  beschadigen.” 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


47 


countrymen,  but  also  for  all  of  Europe  to  prove  the 
right  of  the  Company  to  act  as  it  formerly  had  and 
to  lay  a defense  for  these  false  excuses,  behind 
which  the  jealously  of  commerce  held  itself 
hidden.” 

It  was  the  writing  of  such  a defense  that  Grotius 
took  upon  himself.  Whether  he  was  requested  to 
do  so  by  the  directors  of  the  Company  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  say.  Certainly  no  proof  is  easily  discover- 
able to  this  effect.  However,  in  a letter  of  later 
date  he  tells  his  brother  that,  “he  stood  in  a new 
relation  to  the  Company,”  and  that  he  used  the 
archives  of  the  “United  Company”  in  the  writing 
of  his  argument  is  almost  certain.  Since  Grotius 
was  serving  the  Company  as  counsel  in  the  adjudi- 
cation of  her  case,  it  is  fair  to  suppose  that  he  was 
at  least  encouraged  by  them  to  bring  forth  the 
“De  Jure  Praedae.” 

When  the  Catharina  was  brought  in,  Grotius 
had  reached  his  twentieth  year  and  was  practicing 
law  in  the  Hague,  it  would  seem,  rather  successfully. 
That  the  book  was  written  during  the  last  part  of 
1604  and  the  first  part  of  1605  is  proved  by  the  con- 
tents, for  the  author  deals  with  the  affairs  of  1604, 
including  the  capture  of  Sluis  by  Prince  Maurice,^® 
on  August  20th  of  that  year,  while  he  makes  no  men- 
tion of  the  Proclamation  of  Lisbon,  April  9th,  1605 

Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  403. 

Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  403;  quoting  Ep.  App.,  450,  507. 

*°“De  Jure  Praedae,”  p.  170;  Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,” 
vol.  Ill,  p.  407. 


48 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


(whereby  the  trade  to  the  Indies  was  most  positively 
forbidden  to  all  who  did  not  belong  to  the  Portu- 
guese nation)  nor  to  other  events  of  1605.  It 
seems  extremely  probable  that  the  affairs  of  1605 
would  have  been  mentioned  had  the  book  been  still 
unwritten  at  that  time. 

As  to  why  the  book  was  never  published  we  can 
only  guess.  Perhaps  the  Dutch-Engllsh  situation 
a quarter  of  a century  later  will  throw  some  light 
upon  the  subject.  When  Selden  published,  in 
December,  1635,  his  “Mare  Clausum”  in  answer  to 
the  “Mare  Liberum”  of  Grotius,  setting  forth  the 
rights  of  the  English  over  the  seas  about  their  is- 
land, he  worked  the  Dutch  governors  and  burghers 
into  a state  of  excitement.  Grotius,  at  that  time, 
wrote  to  his  brother  William: — “I  am  wondering 
whether  the  Dutch  will  protect  themselves  silently, 
and  so  retain  what  they  have  (by  force),  or  do  so 
through  a defensive  publication.”  That  he  had 
judged  the  situation  correctly  is  shown  by  what  sub- 
sequently happened.  At  first  the  States  had  favored 
an  answer  to  Selden,  and  Cunaeus  and  later  Gras- 
wlnckel  were  chosen  to  write  it,  but  when  the  latter 
had  prepared  the  defense,  the  States  decided  not  to 
publish  it,  on  the  advice  of  Aerssens  van  Som- 
melsdijck,  who  remarked,  that  the  freedom  of  the 
sea  must  be  protected  not  with  the  pen,  but  with 
the  sword.^^  What  in  1635  was  true  with  respect 

21  Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  408. 

22  Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  408. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


49 


to  the  English,  was  very  probably  also  true  with 
regard  to  the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards  in  1604 
and  later.  The  people  of  Holland  who  had  been 
fighting  for  almost  forty  years  had  become  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  war,  and  quite  naturally  relied 
more  upon  the  force  of  arms  than  of  argument. 

In  1607  the  “Advokaet  Fiscael,”  or  Attorney 
General  of  Holland,  Zeeland,  and  West  Friesland, 
Simon  van  Veen,  was  promoted  to  the  High  Council, 
and  it  became  necessary  to  select  a new  man  to  fill 
the  vacant  position.  Accordingly,  Grotius,  together 
with  Nicolaes  Bakker,  and  Quiryn  van  Stryen,  was 
nominated  for  the  office  by  the  States  on  September 
4th,  1607,^^  and  on  the  twelfth  of  November  of  the 
same  year  he  was  chosen  by  Prince  Maurice,  with 
a salary  of  one  thousand  gulden  a year.^*  The 
letter  from  Prince  Maurice  to  the  States,  appointing 
this  young  man  of  twenty-four  years  to  one  of  the 
most  honorable  positions  of  the  land,  is  interesting. 
Translated  from  the  old  Dutch, literally,  it  runs: — 

“Noble,  firm-in-honor,  most  learned,  wise,  modest, 
particularly  good  friends: — 

“We  have  received  Your  Excellencies’  letters  con- 
taining the  nominations  of  three  persons,  from  which 
Your  Excellencies  have  sought  that  one  be  chosen 
by  us  to  the  services  of  the  rank  or  office  of  Attorney 
General  of  the  Court  of  Holland,  Zeeland,  and 

23  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  23. 

Ihid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  24. 

25  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  24. 


50 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Friesland,  and,  having  attended  to  that,  we  have, 
after  mature  deliberation,  found  it  wise  to  choose  the 
person  of  Mr.  Hugo  de  Groot  to  the  function  of  the 
forementioned  office,  requesting  you  to  dispatch  to 
him  a proper  commission  to  that  effect.  And  here- 
with, etc. 

Your  Excellencies’  good-willing  Friend, 
M.  de  Nassau.” 

The  Hague, 

Nov.  12,  1607. 

The  acceptance  of  this  appointment  was  Grotius’ 
farewell  to  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  it  is  certain 
that,  as  he  felt  his  professional  practice  had  been  a 
drag  upon  him,  he  left  it  with  no  sense  of  regret. 
Being  now  in  a position  to  marry,  Brandt  tells  us 
that  Grotius  began  “to  seek  for  a quiet  wife,  who 
should  be  able  to  help  him  in  the  many  and  various 
happenings  and  disappointments  of  this  changing 
life.”  His  father  and  he  decided  upon  Maria  van 
Reigersbergen,  a daughter  of  an  illustrious  family  of 
Zeeland,  whose  father  Pieter,  Burgomaster  of 
Veere,  had  served  the  house  of  Nassau  well,  and 
therefore  during  the  rule  of  Leicester,  had  been  ex- 
pelled from  the  country.^®  The  willing  Mary  was 
led  to  the  altar  and  the  marriage  was  solemnized 
in  the  middle  of  July,  1608.  Perhaps  the  finest 
tribute  that  can  be  paid  to  this  lady  “who  surpassed 
the  conceptions  of  her  sex  in  sagacity  and  clever- 

**  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  27. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE”  51 

ness,”  is  that,  throughout  her  life,  she  was  always 
worthy  of  her  husband. 

After  “the  applause  and  congratulations  of  the 
most  high-flying  spirits,  who  had  made  his  marriage 
hall  noisy  with  songs,”  were  over,  and  the  honey- 
moon weeks  were  passed,  Grotius  again  turned  his 
mind  to  the  question  of  the  trade  to  the  Indies. 
The  year  1608  had  seen  a renewal  of  negotiations 
for  peace  between  Spain  and  Holland,  the  Marquis 
Spinola  and  other  Spanish  representatives  coming 
to  the  Hague  in  order  to  confer  with  the  delegates 
of  the  States.  The  Spaniards  were  willing  to  recog- 
nize the  independence  of  the  United  Provinces,  pro- 
vided the  other  conditions  were  met,  but  of  these  the 
question  of  the  trade  to  the  Indies  formed  a barrier. 
The  Dutch  obstinately  refused  to  relinquish  the  right 
they  claimed  to  this  commerce,  while  the  Spanish 
would  sanction  it  at  no  price,  arguing  that  neither 
the  French  by  the  Peace  of  Vervins,  nor  the  English 
by  the  Treaty  of  London,  were  allowed  to  navigate 
the  coasts  which  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  alone 
had  used  for  a very  long  time.^^  The  Ambassadors 
of  France  and  England  contended  that  that  which 
was  permitted  by  the  law  of  nature  and  was  not  for- 
bidden by  any  treaty,  was  regarded  with  justice  as 
something  granted.  And  while  the  negotiations  on 
this  point  remained  at  a standstill,  men  concerned 
over  the  matter  wrote  treatises  arguing  how  un- 

2^  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  28. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  28. 


52 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


reasonable  the  claims  of  the  Spaniards  were,  being 
not  only  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  but 
also  contrary  to  all  human  and  divine  laws,  since 
every  one  had  as  much  right  to  navigate  and  to  trade 
as  they  had  to  the  free  use  of  air  and  earth.  If 
they  had  not  traded  in  the  Indies  before  the  war, 
this  was  not  from  want  of  right.  No  possession, 
however  long  it  might  be,  could  serve  to  thwart  the 
law  of  nations.  Those  who  closed  the  sea  and  pre- 
tended to  have  the  monopoly  conducted  themselves 
as  real  pirates  and  vampires,  who,  by  engrossing, 
brought  a high  price  in  corn.  Peace  without  a 
free  commerce  was  no  peace,  but  rather  a continual 
enmity,  because  the  right  to  protect  oneself  was 
taken  away.^®* 

The  whole  of  the  summer  of  1608  passed  with 
no  settlement  in  sight.  Grotius  at  that  time  must 
have  often  thought  of  the  treatise  on  this  subject 
which  he  had  put  aside  unpublished,  the  “De  Jure 
Praedae,”  especially  of  the  chapter  in  which  he  re- 
futes the  claims  of  the  Portuguese  to  the  trade  in 
question  by  basing  his  arguments  upon  the  law  of 
nature  and  of  nations. 

Not  long  after  his  marriage,  while  his  wife  was 
visiting  her  family  in  Zeeland,  and  he  was  alone  in 
the  Hague, he  took  out  his  manuscript  of  the  “De 
Jure  Praedae,”  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he 
would  publish  it  in  part — namely  the  twelfth  chapter 

28a  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  28. 

2®  Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  410. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


53 


upon  “The  Free  Sea.”  There  was  not  much  to 
alter,  a new  beginning  or  introduction,  and  the  one 
detailed  conclusion  in  place  of  the  two  parts  of  the 
original  chapter,  was  all  there  was  to  do. 

Speedily  it  was  prepared  and  sent  to  Heinsius, 
Grotius’  friend,  in  Leiden,  in  November  of  that 
year  (1608),  under  the  title  of  “Mare  Liberum,” 
with  the  request  that  it  be  published  without  the  name 
of  the  author.  But  it  seems  to  have  been  difficult  to 
obtain  a printer,  for  it  was  January,  1609,  before 
Elzevier  began  the  printing,®^  and  the  first  traces  of 
spring  must  have  appeared  in  Leiden  before  the 
“Mare  Liberum”  came  before  the  world. 

The  “De  Jure  Praedae”  is  divided  into  three 
parts.  The  first  part,  entitled  “Dogmatica  de  jure 
praedae”  is  given  to  a discussion  of  war,  the  right 
to  wage  it  and  to  take  spoils,  under  the  law  of  nature 
and  of  nations.  The  second  part  bears  the  inscrip- 
tion “Historica”  and  relates  first,  to  the  tyranny  of 
Alva  which  drove  the  Dutch  to  war  against  Spain 
and  her  allies;  second,  to  the  stand  of  the  Dutch 
against  Prince  Philip  II  (who  had  received  control 
of  the  Netherlands  and  the  Italian  Provinces  from 
his  father  in  1555)  ; third,  to  the  wrongs  the  Nether- 
land  East  India  navigators  had  had  to  endure  from 
the  Portuguese  from  their  coming  to  India  in  1596 

Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  410. 

Grotius  thought  he  would  have  the  book  translated  into 
French,  and  asked  Heinsius  to  see  one  or  another  French  student 
at  Leiden  as  to  the  cost,  but  the  plan  was  dropped. 

Fruin  thinks  the  book  could  not  have  appeared  before  the 
first  days  of  March — “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  412. 


54 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


to  the  capture  of  the  Catharina  by  Heemskerck 
in  February,  1603;  and  finally  to  the  armed  conflict 
between  the  two  countries.  Part  three  begins  with 
the  “Mare  Liberum”  and  deals  with  the  rights  of 
the  East  India  Company  to  trade  in  the  Indies  as 
they  had  always  done,  proving  that  the  Portuguese 
had  no  confirmed  right  to  the  trade  to  the  Indies 
and  therefore  had  no  just  cause  to  regard  the  peace- 
ful coming  of  the  Dutch  merchants  to  India  as  an 
act  of  injustice  and  enmity. 

After  the  war  was  over,  the  third  part,  of  course, 
lost  its  practical  importance  as  an  argument,  but  the 
first  and  second  parts  are  still  of  value. 

Professor  Fruin  declares,®*  regarding  this  work, 
“I  do  not  doubt  but  that  de  Groot  has,  by  the  publi- 
cation of  the  ‘Mare  Liberum,’  adopted  the  plan  of 
later  publishing  the  other  two  parts  of  his  com- 
mentaries as  separate  works.” 

The  “Mare  Liberum”  to  elaborate  upon  what  has 
been  said  of  the  third  part  of  the  “De  Jure 
Praedae,”  declares  that,  according  to  the  principles 
of  Jus  Gentium,  it  is  lawful  for  any  people  to  trade 
with  any  other.  The  denial  of  this  right  had  led 
to  wars,  such  as  the  Spaniards  waged  against  the 
inhabitants  of  America,  the  Israelites  against  the 
Amorites,  the  Greeks  against  the  Mysians,  the  peo- 
ple of  Christendom  against  the  Saracens.  The 
Portuguese  had  no  title  to  the  Indies  and  therefore 
could  not  be  owners  of  the  lands.  Java  and  the 

*3  Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  415. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


55 


larger  part  of  the  Moluccas,  they  had  never  pos- 
sessed, these  islands  still  retaining  their  own  kings 
and  native  laws.  They  had  no  title  by  discovery, 
since  to  get  title  in  this  way  there  must  be  both  dis- 
covery and  occupation.  As  for  discovery,  the  Indies 
had  been  known  of  for  centuries  before  the  Portu- 
guese came  to  them,  the  inhabitants  were  capable  of 
holding  title  and  did  actually  do  so.  The  Pope 
could  give  them  no  title  by  decree  (Papal  Bull  of 
Alexander  VI  in  1493)  since  his  powers  were  only  ^ 
spiritual.  By  conquest  the  Portuguese  held  no  title 
since  they  were  not  at  war  with  many  of  the  peoples 
with  whom  the  Dutch  started  to  trade.  The  Portu- 
guese had  not  occupied  the  Indies,  and  they  could 
not  occupy  the  sea.  They  could  acquire  no  title  to 
it  by  prescription  since  prescription  is  a part  of  the 
Civil  Law  which  cannot  operate  against  the  Law  of 
Nature,  by  which  navigation  is  free  to  all  to  fit  the 
needs  of  humanity,  and  since  prescription  could 
give  no  title  to  things  incorporeal.  The  air  and  the 
ocean  were  so  made  by  Nature  that  they  might  be 
used  by  all,  time  after  time,  and  they  ought  to  be  as 
they  were  made,  free.  It  is  absurd  to  assert  that 
the  sea  belongs  to  the  country  whose  navigators 
first  sail  it,  for  the  law  takes  no  more  cognizance  of 
the  cutting  of  the  sea  by  a vessel  than  the  sea  does, 
which  immediately  closes  again.  As  for  trade,  be- 
ing incorporeal,  it  cannot  be  held  by  title.  Jus 
Gentium  establishes  free  trade. 

Thus  the  Spaniards  who,  realizing  their  claims  to 


56 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


be  invalid  under  the  Roman  law,  since  this  required 
both  discovery  and  occupation  for  ownership,  had 
fallen  back  upon  the  grants  of  the  church,  par- 
ticularly the  Bull  of  Alexander  VI  giving  to  the 
Portuguese  and  Spaniards  title  to  newly  discovered 
and  explored  lands  east  or  west,  respectively,  of  the 
Line  of  Demarcation,  only  to  be  refuted  in  argu- 
ment. 

On  May  i6th,  1609,  only  a few  weeks  after  the 
“Mare  Liberum”  was  published,  there  appeared  a 
proclamation  of  James  I of  England,  forbidding  any 
person,  not  a natural-born  subject  of  the  British 
King,  to  fish  upon  any  of  the  coasts  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  without  a license  from  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners at  London  or  Edinburgh.  Since  the  al- 
liance between  Elizabeth  and  the  States,  the  Dutch 
fishermen  had  been  building  up  a large  fishing  indus- 
try off  the  British  coasts.  All  went  well  until  the 
Dutch  refused  to  pay  the  duties,  which  had  been 
levied  for  many  years  within  these  seas,  and  also  the 
“vail”  to  the  English  flag.®^ 

The  Proclamation  of  James  failed  to  bring  their 
good  manners  back  to  the  Dutch,  and  in  1617,  a 
Dutch  ship  not  only  refused  to  pay  the  “size 
herring”  duty,  but  its  two  convoying  ships  carried 
off  John  Browne,  the  man  who  demanded  the  pay- 

“From  the  days  of  Norman  John  to  those  of  Scottish  James 
the  omission  on  the  part  of  a foreigner  to  ‘vail,’  that  is,  to  strike 
his  flag  and  lower  his  topsail,  on  meeting  a British  man-of-war  in 
the  ‘Quatuor  Maria’  or  ‘four  British  seas,’  would  have  infallibly 
been  deemed  an  act  of  war  or  of  piracy.”  Walker’s  “A  History 
of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol.  I,  p.  163;  p.  169,  note  2. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


57 


ment  and  an  officer  of  the  Admiral  of  Scotland,  to 
Holland/®  James,  now  aroused,  ordered  reprisals 
on  Dutchmen  in  London,  the  instant  release  of  the 
prisoner,  and  the  punishment  of  the  offenders.  In 
the  negotiations  that  followed,  Grotius  was  em- 
ployed to  represent  the  States-General,  as  we  shall 
later  see.  Finally  the  captors  were  sent  to  England 
for  punishment,  but  the  States  disavowed  the  action 
of  the  two  commanders,  declaring  that  it  was  not 
authorized  or  approved.®®  So  the  struggle  over  the 
fisheries  went  on  until  the  English  fleet  became 
powerful  enough  to  put  a stop  to  the  Dutch  Industry 
of  free  fishing  in  these  waters. 

However,  this  Proclamation  of  James  I of  1609, 
renewed  by  Charles  I In  1636,  dealt  with  an  entirely 
different  question  from  that  which  Grotius  had 
argued  in  his  “Mare  Liberum.”  Now  It  was  not  a 
question  of  navigation,  but  of  fisheries,  not  the  ex- 
pansive ocean  but  a definite  part  of  the  sea,  of  cir- 
cumscribed and  comparatively  small  area,  over  which 
possession  was  disputed. 

England,  considering  the  book  of  Grotius  an  argu- 
ment against  her  rights,  attempted  to  refute  his 
teachings  by  counter-writings,  and  so  it  was  that,  in 
1613,  the  “Abridgment  of  all  the  Sea-laws”  of 
William  Welwood  appeared,  the  first  book  launched 
at  the  “Mare  Liberum.”  Grotius  wrote  a rather 
disappointing  and  unconvincing  answer  to  this, 

3®  Walker’s  “A  History  of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol.  I,  p. 
167. 

33  Ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  168. 


58 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


which,  however,  he  did  not  publish,  and  it  remains 
to-day  in  the  library  of  the  University  of  Leiden. 

Of  more  weight  than  the  work  of  Welwood  was 
the  book  of  John  Selden  in  i6i8,  presented  to  King 
James,  but  first  published  in  1635,  at  the  command 
of  Charles  I,  under  the  title  of  “Mare  Clausum.” 

As  was  the  custom  of  the  time,  Selden  based  his 
argument  upon  the  Scriptures,  contending  that  God 
had  given  dominion  over  the  fish  of  the  sea  to 
Adam  (Genesis  I),  and  that  where  dominion  over 
the  fish  is  given,  it  is  likewise  given  over  the  sea 
itself.  How  the  English  became  the  sole  descend- 
ents  of  Adam  and  therefore  the  inheritors  of  his 
rights,  he  does  not  prove.  He  declares  that  if 
land  can  be  owned,  water  can  be  owned,  a state- 
ment which  no  less  an  authority  than  Blackstone 
denied.®^  History  shows  that  England  followed 
this  doctrine  of  Selden’s  until  the  pressure  of  the 
international  opinion  of  the  world  forced  her  to 
abandon  it.  Upon  the  principles  of  “Mare  Clau- 
sum” the  Embargo  Acts,  which  were  instrumental 
in  precipitating  a war,  were  founded,  and  the  rights 
she  claimed  over  vessels  and  men  even  in  Long  Is- 
land Sound  were  the  result  of  this  doctrine.  In 
1803  England  was  still  unwilling  to  recognize  the 
rights  of  others  on  the  seas  and  to  surrender  the 
claim,  which  she  insisted  was  hers,  to  impressment; 

37  2 Bl.  Com.,  § 18;  “For  water  is  a movable,  wandering  thing, 
and  must  of  necessity  continue  common  by  the  law  of  nature ; 
so  that  I can  only  have  a temporary,  transient,  usufructuary 
property  therein ; wherefore,  if  a body  of  water  ruris  ^out  of  my 
pond  into  another  man’s,  I have  no  right  to  reclaim  it.” 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE”  59 

an  attempted  treaty  of  that  year  between  the  United 
States  and  England  failing  on  that  point. 

But  circumstances  had  changed  the  position  of 
Grotius  by  the  time  the  “Mare  Clausum”  appeared. 
In  1635  he  was  a man,  exiled  from  the  country  he 
had  labored  to  serve,  for  the  stand  he  had  taken 
in  the  religious  and  political  controversies  of  which 
the  time  was  rife.  Regarding  the  criticisms  of  his 
“Mare  Liberum,”  he  thought  that,  since  it  has  been 
written  for  his  country,  the  judges  who  had  banished 
him  might  now  more  appropriately  defend  Holland’s 
claims.®®  In  one  of  his  letters  of  this  time  he  de- 
clares : “I  do  not  remember  what  I have  been  when 
I see  those  to  whom  I have  rendered  such  great 
service,  remember  me  only  to  hurt  me.” 

In  March,  1610,  the  year  after  the  “Mare 
Liberum”  had  been  brought  out,  Grotius  published 
his  history  of  old  Holland,  in  Latin,  under  the  title 
“De  Antiquitate  Reipublicae  Batavicae.”  Shortly 
after  this  he  translated  the  work  into  Dutch,  “his 
father  faithfully  assisting  him  therein” ; and  later 
he  enriched  the  book  with  short  notes,  which,  how- 
ever, did  not  come  to  light  until  many  years  had 
passed. 

In  this  history  the  author  defines  an  aristocratic 
government,  gives  an  historical  outline  of  the  aristo- 

38  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  46,  note  c.  “Sunt 
qui  me  incitant;  ego  dico  quaerendum  ex  judicibus  nostris  ali- 
quem,  cui  id  muneris  delegatur,”  Ep.  Gr.  144,  p.  796. 

39  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  46,  quoting  from 
Ep.  383,  p.  864. 

*9  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  32. 


6o 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


cratic  government  of  ancient  Batavia,  traces  its  ex- 
istence under  the  Roman  Empire,  in  its  height  and 
decline,  claiming,  from  Tacitus,  that  the  Dutch  were 
the  allies  and  not  the  subjects  of  Rome,  Through 
the  time  the  Counts  of  Holland  flourished,  the  first 
of  whom  had  been  Diederic  of  Friesland,  supreme 
head  of  his  locality  and  Count  of  the  whole  nation, 
Grotius  traces  the  history.  Although  these  Counts 
usually  followed  the  rule  of  primo-geniture,  he  really 
reigned  by  the  will  of  the  people  rather  than  by  right 
of  succession.  Finally,  Grotius  shows  how  the  war, 
brought  on  by  the  determination  of  Philip  II  to  en- 
force his  policy,  had  brought  Holland  her  freedom. 

In  the  dedication  of  this  history  to  the  States  of 
Holland  and  West  Friesland,  he  placed  the 
sovereignty  of  these  States  on  the  highest  level,  say- 
ing: “This  power  of  the  States  has  been  the  foun- 
dation of  the  Republic,  the  refuge  and  the  protection 
of  equal  right,  the  curb  of  Princely  grandeur.”  “ 

From  the  year  i6oi  Grotius  had  worked  steadily 
in  his  leisure  hours  upon  the  then  modern  history  of 
Holland,  and,  in  1612,  he  completed  his  task.  It 
was  in  September  of  that  year  that  he  delivered  the 
“History  of  the  Netherlands”  into  the  hands  of  the 
Chief-Counsellor  of  the  Land,  Barneveld,  who  pre- 
sented it  to  the  Council  at  the  meeting  held  October 
4th.*^  Messrs,  van  Asperen  and  Bas  were  ap- 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  32. 

^2  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  33;  from 
the  Resolution  of  the  Council  of  Oct.  4th,  1612.  This  Council 
also  paid  Grotius  the  last  six  hundred  gulden  due  him  for  his 
work. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


6i 

pointed  to  investigate  the  book,  and  to  decide 
whether  or  not  it  would  be  advisable  to  publish  it. 
That  they  decided  this  question  in  the  negative 
(probably  because  of  the  conditions  of  affairs  at  this 
time)  is  certain,  for  the  book  which  recounted  the 
events  of  Dutch  history  from  1560  to  the  beginning 
of  the  Twelve  Years’  Truce  in  1609,  remained  un- 
published until,  after  the  death  of  Grotius,  his  sons 
Cornelius  and  Peter  brought  it  before  the  world  in 
1657.“  The  publication  was  dedicated  to  the  States, 
whose  ancestors  had  urged  their  father  to  undertake 
the  work.  A few  years  before  his  death  Grotius 
himself  had  decided  to  publish  the  History,  now  re- 
vised and  corrected,  and  had  even  written  a dedica- 
tion to  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden,^^  whose  Ambas- 
sador he  then  was. 

The  style  of  the  book  is  clear  and  concise,  and 
modeled  on  that  of  the  great  Latin  historian  Tacitus. 
The  reasoning  is  logical  and  strong,  supported  by 
quotations,  aphorisms  and  notes — indicative  of  great 
familiarity  with  history,  politics,  and  literature. 
Brandt,  whose  opinion  in  such  matters  is  surely  to  be 
respected,  declares  that:  “Grotius  showed  in  this 
(work)  that  he  was  truly  great,  yes,  the  greatest  and 
most  perfect  historian  that  Holland  had  ever  pro- 
duced.” 

In  November,  1612,  only  two  months  after  Gro- 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  34. 

**  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  34.  Brandt  declares  that  he  has  seen  a copy  of 
this  dedication. 

<5  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  34. 


62 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tius  had  delivered  his  completed  History  into  their 
hands,  the  High  Council  proposed  that  he  be  elected 
to  clothe  the  senatorial  office  of  their  tribunal.  But 
the  States  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland,  to  whom 
his  name  was  presented  by  the  Council,  considering 
how  faithfully  he  had  filled  the  office  of  Attorney- 
General,  and  how  important  he  was  to  them  in  that 
position,  resolved  rather  to  increase  his  salary  in 
that  office,  promising  him  that  he  should  be  placed 
in  the  High  Council  when  the  country  needed  him 
more  there.*® 

The  honor  paid  to  Grotius  by  the  High  Council 
in  nominating  him  as  a member  proves,  beyond 
doubt,  that  his  “History  of  Holland,”  did  not  re- 
main unpublished  by  them  because  they  thought  it 
inadequate  or  erroneous. 

On  the  twentieth  of  July,  1612,  Elias  Barneveld, 
Pensionary  of  Rotterdam  and  brother  of  the  Grand 
Pensionary  of  Holland,  died,*^  and  the  Rotterdam 
Town  Council  found  it  necessary  to  find  a new  man 
for  the  office.  At  a meeting  of  this  body  held  on 
January  14th,  1613,  Counsellor  Hogerbeets  was 
chosen,  but  he  declined  the  office,  and  one  month 
later,*®  February  14th,  Hugo  de  Groot  was  selected. 
On  March  4th,  1613,  he  accepted  the  office,  with  a 
compensation  of  “two  thousand  gulden  a year,  above 

Resolutions  of  the  States  of  Holland,  November  26th  to 
December  21st,  1612. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  42. 

Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  p.  43 ; “Vergadering  gehouden  den  14  February, 

1613.” 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


63 


the  house  rent,  and  the  other  usual  emoluments” ; ** 
and  with  the  position  came  a promise  from  Rotter- 
dam that  he  should  never  be  removed  from  his  of- 
fice, also  of  a seat  in  the  Assembly  of  the  States  of 
Holland  and  later  in  the  States-GeneraL®°  The  of- 
fice was  also  the  means  of  drawing  Grotius  and 
Grand  Pensionary  Barneveld  into  a closer  friend- 
ship, which  was  broken  only  by  the  death  of  the 
latter. 

About  this  time  there  arose  a dispute  between  the 
English  and  the  Dutch  in  which  Grotius  was  one  of 
the  principal  actors,  the  dispute  over  the  fisheries  al- 
ready mentioned.  Two  Dutch  vessels  had  sailed 
from  Amsterdam  to  the  shores  of  Greenland  to  hunt 
walrus,®^  and,  having  obtained  twenty-two,  fell  in 
with  some  English  vessels  bound  for  Russia.  Upon 
being  asked  by  the  English  whether  they  had  permis- 
sion of  the  King  of  England  to  capture  the  sea  ani- 
mals of  Greenland,  the  Dutch  answered  that  the  sea 
was  free  and  they  were  provided  with  passports  from 
Count  Maurice.  But  the  English,  not  being  satis- 
fied with  this,  demanded  and  obtained,  since  their 

49  “Vergadering  gehouden  den  4 Maert,  1613”;  Brandt’s  “Het 
Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  45. 

50  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  50;  Grotius’  Apol- 
ogy, ch.  19,  p.  384,  quoted. 

51  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  description  De  Burigny  gives 
of  this  animal,  lest  his  readers  may  not  know  of  what  he  talks : 
“C’est  un  animal  marin  qui  est  plus  gros  qu’un  boeuf ; il  a le 
mufle  d’un  lion,  la  peau  chargee  de  poil,  quartre  pieds,  et  deux 
grandes  dents  qui  lui  sortent  de  la  machoire  d’en  haut,  descendant 
en  has,  plates,  dures  et  si  blanches  qu’elles  ne  cedent  ni  en  blan- 
cheur  ni  en  valeur  a celles  de  I’Elephant.”  Burigny’s  “Vie  de 
Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  51-52. 


64 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


vessels  greatly  outnumbered  the  Dutch,  the  walrus 
the  Dutch  had  killed.®^ 

When  the  two  Dutch  vessels  reached  home  and 
placed  their  complaint  before  the  States,  it  was  re- 
solved by  the  States-General  on  March  15th,  1613,®® 
to  send  Grotius  to  England,  accompanied  by  Reinier 
Pauw,  Ex-Burgomaster  of  Amsterdam,  Jacob  Bor- 
eel,  Ex-Burgomaster  of  Middelburg,  and  Dirk 
Meerman,  Alderman  and  Councillor  of  Delft,  to  de- 
mand justice,  the  “Mare  Liberum”  of  Grotius  prob- 
ably making  him  better  fitted  to  discuss  this  question 
than  anyone  else  in  Holland. 

Accordingly  a conference  was  held  in  1613  be- 
tween the  delegates  of  the  two  countries,  at  which 
the  principal  bone  of  contention  was  the  right  of 
whale  and  walrus  hunting.  Burigny  states  that 
the  Dutch  proved  to  the  English  that  neither  the  land 
nor  the  sea  of  Greenland  belonged  to  them,  since  the 
land  had  been  discovered  and  named  by  the  Dutch 
in  1596,  that  Hugh  Willoughby  (on  whose  discov- 
ery the  English  based  their  claim)  had  not  touched 
on  Greenland  in  1 553,  but  had  discovered  the  island, 
a part  of  Finland,  which  then  bore  his  name,®®  and 

This  account  comes  from  de  Burigny,  Bk.  I,  pp.  51-52,  of  the 
“Vie  de  Grotius.”  Burigny  quotes  Mercure  Frangois  as  author- 
ity. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  45. 

Burigny,  Bk.  I,  p.  53,  fixed  this  date  the  year  1615.  Brandt, 
Bk.  II,  p.  50,  says  Grotius  was  back  in  Holland  in  1613. 

De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  53. 

The  Century  Atlas  (1897)  records  the  name  “Willoughby, 
1553,”  on  the  island  of  Nova  Zembla,  situated  off  the  coast  of 
Finland  and  Russia.  If  Willoughby  was  in  Nova  Zembla  in 
1553,  he  could  hardly  have  touched  upon  Greenland  that  same 
year,  as  the  former  place  is  approximately  75  N.  Lat.,  60  E.  Long., 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


65 


had  died  of  cold  and  hunger  on  the  coast  of  Lap- 
land.”  But  the  old  proverb  that  the  strongest  are 
masters  of  the  sea  and  such  never  desire  to  make 
restitution,  held  in  this  case  too,  and  the  conference, 
from  the  viewpoint  of  the  Dutch,  was  very  unsatis- 
factory. 

The  trip  to  England  did  much  to  bring  Grotius 
and  Isaac  Casaubon  close  together  in  a deep  and  last- 
ing sympathy  and  friendship.  The  latter  had,  since 
the  murder  of  Henry  IV,  taken  up  his  abode  in  Lon- 
don, finding  great  favor  at  Court,®®  and  in  that  city 
Grotius  saw  him  daily.  There  also,  the  representa- 
tive of  Holland  was  intimate  with  Mr.  Caron,  the 
Minister  from  the  Netherlands;  the  Bishop  of  Ely; 
and  Joannes  Overallus,  Dean  of  St.  Paul’s  Cathe- 
dral; and  was  the  recipient  of  honors  from  James  I, 
who,  according  to  Casaubon,  was  charmed  with  his 
conversation.  On  April  13,  1613,  the  latter 

wrote  to  Daniel  Heinsius : “I  am  very  well  and 
cannot  express  my  great  pleasure  in  the  conversation 
of  so  great  a man  as  Grotius.  Oh,  that  wonderful 
man ! I knew  him  before,  but  to  fully  comprehend 
his  excellency  and  his  divine  genius,  one  must  see  and 
hear  him.  His  countenance  speaks  honesty  and  his 
speech  reveals  the  profoundest  learning  and  the  most 
sincere  piety.  Do  not  think  I am  his  only  admirer 

and  the  latter,  at  its  nearest  point,  75  N.  Lat.,  20  W.  Long. 
(Greenwich). 

In  a letter  of  June  Sth,  1615  (Ep.  59,  p.  19),  to  du  Maurier, 
Grotius  gives  an  account  of  this  conference. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  47. 

Ep.  Casaub.,  p.  965. 


66 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


for  all  learned  and  good  men  think  the  same  as  I, 
particularly  the  King.” 

Soon  after  Grotius’  return  from  England,  another 
question  of  International  Law  arose  in  Holland. 
The  States  had  granted  commissions  to  some  priva- 
teers, after  the  custom  of  the  time,  who  had  made 
depredations  on  the  people  of  Pomerania,  and,  after 
leaving  their  native  country,  had  refused  to  return. 
The  injured  people  applied  to  the  States  for  redress 
of  their  grievances,  and  Grotius  was  consulted  to  de- 
cide the  question  involved,  namely,  whether  the 
States  were  answerable  for  the  acts  of  the  privateers 
because  the  States  had  employed  bad  men  in  their  ser- 
vice or  because  they  had  neglected  to  require  security 
from  the  privateers  upon  granting  them  their  com- 
missions. His  opinion  was  that  the  States  were  only 
bound  to  punish  the  offenders,  or  deliver  them  to  the 
sufferers,  if  taken,  and  satisfy  the  losses  of  the  Pom- 
eranian complainants  out  of  the  goods  of  the  pi- 
rates.®^ 

It  may  be  interesting  to  note  here  the  substance  of 
a letter  ®^  written  by  Grotius  to  M.  du  Maurier  from 
Rotterdam,  May  12th,  1615,  of  which  the  latter  had 
a few  copies  printed,  and  which  was  published  by 
Elzevier  in  1637  under  the  title  “De  omni  genere 
studiorum  recte  instituendo.”  Du  Maurier,  the 
French  Ambassador  to  Holland,  had  asked  Grotius 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  47,  and 
Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  56. 

See  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  Liber  II,  Caput  XVII,  § XX. 

®2  Ep.  Grot.  54,  p.  17. 


THE  “DE  JURE  PRAEDAE” 


67 


to  direct  him  in  a course  of  study,  and  the  Dutch 
scholar  had  replied  in  words  which  give  us  an  in- 
sight into  the  methods  of  education  of  that  period. 
Grotius’  advice  was  to  begin  with  logic,  though  not 
with  Aristotle,  which  is  too  long ; then  physics,  meta- 
physics and  moral  philosophy  from  Aristotle  and 
Nicomachus,  Euripides’  Tragedies,  Terence’s  Come- 
dies, and  Horace’s  Epistles.  These  were  to  be  fol- 
lowed with  Cicero’s  Offices,  Seneca’s  Epistles  and 
Tragedies,  Plutarch’s  shorter  works  and  Aristotle’s 
Rhetoric.  For  a knowledge  of  law  and  government 
he  advised  the  reading  of  the  works  of  Plato  and 
Cicero  on  Laws,  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  the  first  and 
last  three  books  of  Justinian’s  Code,  and  Vasques, 
Hotoman,  and  Gentilis  on  the  Law  of  Nations.  For 
history,  one  should  begin  with  an  abridgment  of  uni- 
versal history,  going  on  with  whatever  is  interesting, 
something  modern,  and  working  up  Livy  later. 
Grotius  also  advised  the  use  of  a reader  as  an  as- 
sistant in  study  who  could  read  more  exhaustively 
than  the  one  desirous  of  knowledge,  and  communi- 
cate the  most  important  matter  to  the  latter.®® 

Grotius  realized  truly  that  “Ruit  Hora,”  that  only 
the  man  with  a keen  sense  of  values  has  time  to  suc- 
ceed, but  that  the  man  of  sharp  intellect  properly 
directed  at  the  heart  of  a matter  may  do  in  hours 
that  to  which  a man  of  less  judgment  would  devote 
days. 

«3  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  60. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  CON- 
TROVERSY 


The  Arminius-Gomar  theological  controversy — Maurice  favors 
the  Gomarists,  Grotius  the  Arminians — Grotius  draws  up  an 
Edict  to  restore  tranquillity — The  political  breach — Grotius  is  a 
member  of  a deputation  to  Amsterdam — The  Prince  resorts  to 
force — The  2Sth  of  July  in  Utrecht — Arrest  of  Grotius. 

When  Prince  Maurice,  the  second  son  of  William 
of  Orange,  was  proclaimed  Stadtholder  in  1585, 
chiefly  by  the  influence  of  Barneveld,  the  people 
found  at  their  head  a man  who  had  all  of  his  father’s 
talents  but  likewise  all  of  his  father’s  ambition.  I 
That  they  were  jealous  of  his  great  powers  there  is 
little  doubt,  but  they  had  been  forced  to  throw  them- 
selves under  his  protection  because  of  the  scheming 
misconduct  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 

In  1598  the  war  between  Spain  and  France  had 
been  terminated  by  the  Peace  of  Vervins,  and  in  the 
same  year,  at  the  death  of  his  father,  Philip  III  had 
taken  the  throne  of  Spain,  now  bankrupt  in  royal 
blood  and  ability,  as  well  as  in  industry  and  re- 
sources. The  naval  victories  of  Holland  and  the 
extension  of  her  trade  now  became  conspicuous,  and 
when,  in  1608,  Spain  proposed  a truce.  Prince  Mau- 
rice objected  to  it.  However,  the  Republican  party, 

68 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  69 


led  by  Barneveld,  thinking  that  a non-acceptance  of 
the  offer  of  Spain  would  mean  the  strengthening  of 
the  House  of  Orange  to  the  extinction  of  the  coun- 
try’s liberty,  for  which  the  gallant  burghers  had  so 
bravely  shed  their  blood,  urged  the  peace,  and  the 
Twelve  Years’  Truce  was  signed  in  1609. 

While  the  truce  was  being  negotiated  in  1608,  Ar-  ^ 
minius.  Professor  of  Theology  in  the  University  of 
- LeidenI  publicly  advanced  a doctrine  which  consti- 
tuted a bold  departure  from  the  doctrines  of  Calvin. 

It  was  indeed  directly  contradictory  to  the  Calvin- 
istic  principle  which  had  predominated  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, namely,  that  God  consigns  one  portion  of 
mankind  to  torment  and  the  other  to  everlasting 
happiness  without  considering  their  acts,  that  the 
grace  given  to  the  Elect  is  so  all-powerful  that  it  can- 
not be  resisted,  and  that  Christ  did  not  die  for  sin-  ^ 
ners. 

Armlnlus  declared  that  God  had  sent  His  only 
Son  into  the  world  to  redeem  mankind;  that  he  had 
ordained  Grace  to  all  to  whom  the  Law  should  be  . 
preached,  so  that  they  might  believe  If  they  would; 
that  this  Grace  was  offered  to  all  men  In  such  man- 
ner that  It  could  be  and  was  resisted,  and  that  God 
had  only  chosen  and  condemned  those  who,  he  fore- 
saw, would  embrace  or  reject  his  Grace. 

Gomar,  another  professor  at  Leiden,  defended 
the  teachings  of  Calvin  and  the  controversy  soon  be- 
came so  heated,  that,  after  being  censured  by  the 
Synod  of  Rotterdam,  Arminius  petitioned  the  High 


70 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Council  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland  to  hear  the 
dispute.  The  Council  granted  the  petition  and  re- 
ported to  the  States  that  the  whole  controversy  w'as 
over  some  obscure  questions  of  Grace  and  Predes- 
tination, Barneveld  remarking  that  he  thanked  God 
the  fundamental  points  of  religion  were  not  in  dis- 
pute. No  question  is,  however,  too  insignificant  to 
cause  hatred,  if  only  people  will  quibble  over  it. 

In  i6ii  the  States  of  Holland,  after  hearing  both 
sides,  advised  the  contestants  to  go  home  and  live 
in  peace,  but  the  matter  was  not  to  be  settled  so  sim- 
ply. Men’s  minds  were  becoming  inflamed,  and 
what  at  first  was  merely  a controversy  of  religious 
factions  found  its  way  into  the  politics  of  the  coun- 
try, acting  as  a wedge  thrust  into  the  narrow  breach 
already  there.  Maurice  saw  his  opportunity  to  use 
this  religious  quarrel  as  an  instrument  to  strengthen 
his  position  as  leader  in  the  Netherlands,  and  so  to 
fortify  the  country  against  the  commercial,  religious, 
and  political  foes  that  surrounded  her,  England, 
Spain,  and  France.  A greater  ruler  than  he  might 
have  seen  the  wisdom  of  reconciling  the  factions  into 
a solid  force  ^ whose  only  enmity  would  be  projected 
beyond  the  national  borders,  but  Maurice  was  too 
short  sighted  to  perceive  such  an  opportunity  and 
chose  to  side  with  the  Gomarists,  the  faction  of  the 
majority  of  the  people. 

When  Arminius  died  on  October  19th,  1609,^  at 

1 This  was  later  done  in  England  and  Prussia  by  combining 
Catholic  ritual,  Calvinist  articles,  and  Arminian  Clergy. 

2 Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  29. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  71 


the  age  of  forty-nine,  Grotius  wrote  a beautiful  elegy 
to  him  as  one  who,  in  succumbing  to  a lingering  ill- 
ness, had  been  freed  from  the  troubles  of  those  schis- 
matical  years.  At  that  time  Grotius  was  not  ac- 
tively concerned  with  the  controversy;  he  had  no  de- 
sire to  offend  Gomar  in  commending  Armlnlus,  and 
did  not  even  declare  where  his  sympathies  lay.  The 
poem  to  Arminius  was  written  more  to  the  dead  pro- 
fessor of  his  university,  as  the  poem  to  Franciscus 
Junius,  whose  place  Arminius  had  taken,  had  been 
written  in  1602,  than  to  the  author  of  the  Arminian 
doctrines.  Later,  however,  on  entering  more  deeply 
into  the  matter,  Grotius  became  convinced  that  the 
Idea  that  should  be  entertained  of  God’s  goodness 
and  justness  was  more  compatible  with  the  doctrines 
of  Arminius  than  with  those  of  Gomar,  and  this  con- 
viction lasted  with  him  till  death. 

Arminius  being  dead,  the  overseers  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leiden  appointed  Conrad  Vorstius,  a dis- 
ciple of  Arminius,  as  professor  of  theology  In  his 
place.  King  James  was  greatly  incensed.  He  or- 
dered the  Professor’s  books  to  be  publicly  burned 
in  St.  Paul’s  Church  yard  and  at  the  universities, 
and  demanded  that  the  States  eject  the  new  professor 
from  the  chair  and  expel  him  from  the  country  if 
they  wished  to  keep  his  friendship.®  The  orthodox 
clergy  took  up  the  cry  In  Holland,  and  succeeded  in 
raising  such  a din  that  the  newly  appointed  profes- 
sor was  never  allowed  to  preach  or  to  teach. 

3 Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  I,  p.  335. 


72 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Meanwhile,  immediately  after  the  death  of  their 
leader,  the  Arminians,  as  the  followers  of  Arminius 
were  called,  drew  up  a Remonstrance  dated  January 
14th,  1610,^  addressed  to  the  States  of  Holland  and 
setting  forth  their  doctrines  under  their  famous  Five 
Points.®  Briefly,  they  declared  that  there  is  no  ab- 
solute election  by  which  God  grants  to  a chosen  few 
the  infallible  means  of  bringing  them  into  eternal 
happiness,  but  that  he  offers  to  all  sufficient  means 
to  convert  themselves;  that  election  is  conditional 
and  that  there  is  no  preassurance  of  salvation. 

This  Remonstrance  was  followed  almost  immedi- 
ately by  an  answer  from  the  Gomarist  party  in  the 
form  of  the  Contra-Remonstrance  of  Seven  Points, 
and  the  country  found  itself  becoming  more  and 

* De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  68. 

® These  Five  Points  were  : 

1.  God  has  from  eternity  resolved  to  choose  to  eternal  life 
those  who  through  his  grace  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  in  faith 
and  obedience  so  continue  to  the  end,  and  to  condemn  the  unbe- 
lieving and  unconverted  to  eternal  damnation. 

2.  Jesus  Christ  died  for  all;  so,  nevertheless,  that  no  one 
actually  except  believers  is  redeemed  by  His  death. 

3.  Man  has  not  the  saving  belief  from  himself,  nor  out  of  his 
free  will,  but  he  needs  thereto  God’s  grace  in  Christ. 

4.  This  grace  is  the  beginning,  continuation,  and  completion 
of  man’s  salvation ; all  good  deeds  must  be  ascribed  to  it,  but  it 
does  not  work  irresistibly. 

5.  God’s  grace  gives  sufficient  strength  to  the  true  believers 
to  overcome  evil ; but  whether  they  cannot  lose  grace  should  be 
more  closely  examined  before  it  should  be  taught  in  full  security. 

Afterwards  they  expressed  themselves  more  distinctly  on  this 
point,  and  declared  that  a true  believer,  through  his  own  fault, 
can  fall  away  from  God  and  lose  faith. 

Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  I,  p.  336,  taken  from : 
Wagenaar,  vol.  X,  pp.  36,  37 ; “Haagsche  Conferentie,”  vol.  I, 
p.  425;  Brandt,  “Hist,  der  Ref.,’’  vol.  H,  p.  128;  Uytenbogaert, 
pp.  524,  525. 

Burigny,  in  his  “Vie  de  Grotius,’’  Bk.  I,  pp.  69,  70,  71,  says  the 
same  in  substance. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  73 

more  divided  by  the  wedge  of  theological  squab- 
bling.® 

The  controversy,  now  fanned  into  a flame,  raged 
on.  The  children  of  the  people  who  with  one  mind 
had  withstood  the  might  of  Spain  and  the  Holy  In- 
quisition, were  now  all-absorbed  In  fighting  each 
other.  From  mansion  to  fisherman’s  hut  they  were 
split  by  the  Invisible  axe  into  factions  bearing  only 
hatred  for  the  other.  The  Provinces  of  Holland 

® The  Seven  Points  were : 

1.  God  has  chosen  from  eternity  certain  persons  out  of  the 
human  race,  which  in  and  with  Adam  fell  into  sin  and  has  no 
more  power  to  believe  and  convert  itself  than  a dead  man  to 
restore  himself  to  life,  in  order  to  make  them  blessed  through 
Christ;  while  He  passes  by  the  rest  through  His  righteous  judg- 
ment, and  leaves  them  lying  in  their  sins. 

2.  Children  of  believing  parents,  as  well  as  full-grown  believ- 
ers, are  to  be  considered  as  elect  so  long  as  they  with  action 
do  not  prove  the  contrary. 

3.  God  in  His  election  has  not  looked  at  the  belief  and  the 
repentance  of  the  elect;  but,  on  the  contrary,  in  His  eternal  and 
unchangeable  design,  has  resolved  to  give  to  the  elect  faith  and 
steadfastness,  and  thus  to  make  them  blessed. 

4.  He,  to  this  end,  in  the  first  place,  presented  to  them  His 
only  begotten  Son,  whose  sufiferings,  although  sufficient  for  the 
expiation  of  all  men’s  sins,  nevertheless,  according  to  God’s  de- 
cree, serves  alone  to  the  reconciliation  of  the  elect. 

5.  God  causes  the  Gospel  to  be  preached  to  them,  making  the 
same,  through  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  strength  upon  their  minds ; so 
that  they  not  merely  obtain  power  to  repent  and  to  believe,  but 
also  actually  and  voluntarily  do  repent  and  believe. 

6.  Such  elect,  through  the  same  power  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
through  which  they  have  once  become  repentant  and  believing, 
are  kept  in  such  wise  that  they  indeed  through  weakness  fall 
into  heavy  sins ; but  can  never  wholly  and  for  always  lose  the 
true  faith. 

7.  True  believers  from  this,  however,  draw  no  reason  for 
fleshly  quiet,  it  being  impossible  that  they,  who,  through  a true 
faith  were  planted  in  Christ,  should  bring  forth  no  fruits  of 
thankfulness ; the  promises  of  God’s  help  and  the  warnings  of 
Scripture  tending  to  make  their  salvation  work  in  them  in  fear 
and  trembling,  and  to  cause  them  more  earnestly  to  desire  help 
from  that  spirit  without  which  they  can  do  nothing. 

Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,’’  vol.  I,  p.  337,  from  the  same 
sources  as  the  Remonstrance. 


74 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


and  Utrecht  were  Remonstrant  but  the  five  other 
Provinces  were  decidedly  Contra-Remonstrant. 

Henry  Rosaeus,  a Gomarist  preacher,  having 
broken  with  Uytenbogaert,  who  had  written  the  Re- 
monstrance, was  excluded  from  his  Church,  called 
the  Great  Church  at  The  Hague.  Undaunted,  the 
divine  preached  every  Sunday  at  Ryswyk,  a few  miles 
distant  from  The  Hague,  whither  seven  hundred  de- 
voted Contra-Remonstrants  followed  him  on  foot, 
winning  for  themselves  the  name  of  “Mud  Beg- 
gars” on  account  of  the  condition  of  the  winter 
roads.'' 

Having  returned  in  1613  from  his  mission  to 
England,  whither  he  had  gone  to  argue  the  fishing 
and  whaling  rights  in  northern  waters,  Grotius  was 
appointed  to  draw  up  an  edict  ® which  should  restore 
tranquillity,  a rather  difficult  task  even  for  so  great 
a man.  A majority  of  the  preachers  and  of  the 
lower  classes,  being  Contra-Remonstrants,  were  op- 
posed to  the  magistrates  and  patricians,  who  were 
Remonstrants,  the  Gomarists  maintaining  that  ec- 
clesiastics should  regulate  ecclesiastical  matters, 
while  the  Arminians  held  that  the  state  should  de- 
cide these  things  for  the  church. 

The  Edict  was  drawn  and  published,  but  it  only 
made  matters  worse.  It  was  regarded  as  too  favor- 
able to  the  Remonstrants,  and  therefore  gave  offense 
to  the  Gomarists  or  Contra-Remonstrants.  Riots 

^ Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  I,  p.  343. 

® Printed  in  full  in  Appendix. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  75 


broke  out,  causing  Barneveld  to  propose  to  the 
States-Assembly  of  Holland  that  the  magistrates  of 
the  cities  of  that  Province  should  be  impowered  to 
raise  troops  for  the  suppression  of  the  disorders. 
Amsterdam,  Dordrecht,  and  three  other  towns  fa- 
voring the  Contra-Remonstrants  protested  against 
this  step,  which  they  regarded  as  a hostile  military 
move;  but,  as  the  Remonstrants  were  in  majority, 
the  motion  was  agreed  to,  and,  on  August  4th,  1617, 
the  act  was  duly  published. 

This  measure  was  the  death  warrant  of  the  Grand 
Pensionary,  and  the  ruin  of  Grotius  in  the  Nether- 
lands, for  it  aroused  against  them  the  enmity  of 
Prince  Maurice,  who  had  cast  his  lot  with  the  Go- 
marists  and  had  the  majority  of  the  States-General 
on  his  side.  Maurice  looked  upon  the  action  of  the 
States,  without  his  consent,  as  derogatory  to  his  dig- 
nity as  Governor  and  military  head  of  the  Provinces. 
He  had  cherished  a deep  dislike  for  Barneveld  since 
1609,  when  the  latter  was  instrumental  in  concluding 
the  Twelve  Years’  Truce  without  his  approval.  He 
accordingly  condemned  the  Edict  of  Grotius,  de- 
clared himself  in  favor  of  the  Gomarists,  and  fore- 
bade  the  soldiers  to  obey  the  order  of  the  States- 
Assembly  to  put  down  the  riots;  while  the  Contra- 
Remonstrants,  strengthened  by  the  powerful  back- 
ing of  the  Prince,  separated  from  the  communion  of 
the  Arminians. 

All  the  while  Grotius,  although  he  undoubtedly 
favored  the  Arminian  cause,  was  truly  desirous  of 


76 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


bringing  about  a reconciliation  of  the  warring  fac- 
tions into  a solid  national  unit.  He  declared  that 
“religious  differences  in  kingdoms  were  injurious, 
but  in  free  states  most  destructive.”  ® He  realized 
that  “the  Reformation  was  not  brought  about  by 
synods  but  by  kings,  princes  and  magistrates,”  and 
that  it  represented  a struggle  between  state  and 
church  for  political  supremacy. 

Meanwhile  the  States  resolved  to  send  a deputa- 
tion to  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  which  was  almost  as 
powerful  as  the  rest  of  the  Province,  in  the  hope  of 
turning  her  sympathy  and  support  from  the  Go- 
marist  cause  to  the  side  of  the  Remonstrants.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  April  22nd,  1616,  Grotius,  Adrian 
Mathenes,  Hugo  Musius,  and  Gerard  van  Eych, 
chosen  by  the  States  for  this  mission,  set  out  from 
The  Hague  for  Amsterdam.^”  At  a meeting  of 
the  Town  Council  the  next  afternoon,  at  three 
o’clock,  Grotius,  as  spokesman,  made  an  heroic  ef- 
fort for  peace,  declaring  that  the  States  desired  and 
earnestly  requested  the  cooperation  of  Amsterdam 
in  the  attempt  they  were  making  to  bring  about  tol- 
eration and  peace,  this  being  the  only  way  in  which 
the  matter  could  be  settled,  and  tranquillity  and 
union  restored  to  the  states. 

® Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  I,  p.  343,  from  Wagenaar, 
X,  137. 

10  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  81 ; and  Brandt’s 
“Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  71. 

Grotius  delivered  his  speech  in  Dutch.  It  was  translated 
into  Latin  by  Theodore  Schrevelius,  and  printed  in  his  theolog- 
ical works. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  77 


The  Council  promised  to  consider  the  proposal, 
but  on  April  25th,  the  twenty-fourth  being  Sun- 
day,they  dismissed  the  legation  with  the  statement 
that  they  could  not  accept  the  Edict  of  1614  without 
detriment  to  the  commerce  of  the  city.  Though 
Amsterdam,  and  the  other  four  cities  holding  to  the 
Contra-Remonstrant  doctrines,  formed  only  a small 
minority  in  the  States-Assembly  of  Holland,  they 
were  supported  by  a large  majority  in  the  States- 
General,  and  so  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should 
have  felt  strong  enough  to  refuse  the  requests 
of  the  delegation  of  which  Grotius  was  spokes- 
man. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  delegates  from 
Amsterdam,  Grotius  was  seized  with  a fever,  which 
De  Burigny  states  was  caused  by  agitation  over  the 
failure  of  the  mission,  but  he  recovered  completely 
after  a rest  at  Delft,  and  was  soon  occupied,  on  the 
advice  of  the  States  of  Holland,  in  the  preparation 
of  a petition  to  Prince  Maurice,  asking  that  the  Five 
Points  of  the  Remonstrants  be  examined  and  passed 
upon  by  a Synod  of  Holland,  the  decision  to  be  car- 
ried to  a Synod  of  all  the  Provinces.  This  plan  did 
not  please  the  Prince,  who  desired  a National  Synod 
in  which  the  Contra-Remonstrants  were  sure  to  tri- 
umph, and  the  States-General,  devoted  to  Maurice, 
decided  to  hold  a National  Synod  in  Holland  itself, 
at  Dordrecht — the  Provinces  of  Holland,  Utrecht 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  II,  p.  78. 

13  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  86. 


78 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


and  Overijssel  protesting.  Action,  however,  of  a 
much  more  decisive  nature  was  soon  to  be  taken. 
Prince  Maurice,  seeing  that  in  the  cities  of  his  coun- 
try forces  of  militia  were  being  raised  without  his 
consent,  ordered  that  they  be  disbanded,  and,  when 
this  demand  was  refused,  resolved  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  army  of  religious  fanatics  to  put 
down  what  he  regarded  as  acts  of  rebellion. 

Setting  out  in  i6i8  forcibly  to  remove  all  minis- 
ters and  officials  suspected  of  favoring  Arminianism, 
he  encountered  little  opposition  in  Overijssel,  and 
was  successful  against  the  cities  of  Arnhem  and  Nim- 
wegen.  The  States  of  Holland,  now  realizing  that 
the  Prince  would  strike  Utrecht  next,  arranged  a 
meeting  between  the  Utrecht  Commissioners  (one 
of  whom  was  Gillis  van  Ledenberg,  Secretary  of  the 
Assembly  of  Utrecht) , who  had  come  to  The  Hague 
to  confer  secretly  with  Maurice,  and  Grotius,  Pen- 
sionary of  Rotterdam;  Hoogerbeets,  Pensionary  of 
Leiden;  de  Haan,  Pensionary  of  Haarlem;  and  de 
Lange,  Burgomaster  of  Gouda,  at  the  house  of 
Daniel  Tresel,  first  clerk  of  the  States-General.^* 
At  this  meeting,  Grotius,  as  spokesman,  urged  the 
town  of  Utrecht  to  maintain  her  troops  which  were 
to  defend  the  sovereignty  of  the  state  against  those 
who,  under  the  guise  of  religion,  wished  to  subject 
them  to  a foreign  power. 

The  commissioners  of  Utrecht  pleaded  the  great 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  Ill,  pp.  121, 

122. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  79 


expense  which  the  maintenance  of  mercenaries  laid 
upon  that  Province,  and  the  displeasure  of  the 
Prince,  from  which  they  were  sure  to  suffer.  And 
since  those  opposed  to  maintaining  the  Waartgelders 
were  very  strong,  the  States  of  Utrecht  were  re- 
solved to  ask  the  Prince  to  remove  the  bodies  of 
mercenaries  and  to  substitute  the  old  native  militia, 
to  be  paid  by  the  episcopate,  the  States  agreeing  to 
disband  the  new  levies.^®  A deputation  from  Hol- 
land to  Maurice,  presenting  this  proposition  to  the 
latter  in  behalf  of  Holland  and  Utrecht,  was  only 
ignored. 

On  July  25th  (1618),  at  eight  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  Grotius,  Pensionary  of  Rotterdam  and 
Councillor;  van  Torenvliet,  Burgomaster  of  Leiden; 
Hoogerbeets,  Pensionary  of  Leiden;  and  Schoon- 
hoven.  Councillor,  arrived  in  Utrecht  to  urge  them 
to  maintain  their  Waartgelders,  and  to  promise  them 
the  support  of  Holland  in  their  opposition  to  the 
Stadtholder.  Here  they  were  met  by  Gillis  van  Led- 
enberg.  Secretary  of  the  Assembly  of  Utrecht,  who 
introduced  them  to  the  latter  body.^^  But  the  af- 
fairs of  the  Provinces  were  coming  rapidly  to  a crisis, 
and  the  quaint  and  beautiful  town  of  Utrecht,  situ- 
ated on  the  quiet  waters  of  the  old  Rhine  was  to  be 
the  principal  scene  of  the  drama.  Into  the  midst  of 
this  secret  council  walked  the  Stadtholder  himself 

Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  Bk.  II,  p.  225. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot/’  Bk.  Ill,  pp.  123- 

126. 

Ibid.,  Bk.  Ill,  p.  124. 


8o 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


that  very  evening,^®  an  extremely  unwelcome  guest 
to  Grotius.  Sir  John  Ogle,  commander  of  the 
troops  paid  by  Holland,  knew  well  to  whom  he  owed 
obedience,  but  he  obstinately  refused  to  act  against 
the  wishes  and  plans  of  Maurice,  and  it  was  in  vain 
that  Grotius  urged  the  Province  to  protect  its  rights, 
to  maintain  its  Waartgelders  which  had  been  law- 
fully enlisted  under  the  Union  of  Utrecht  of  1579/^ 
Under  the  insistance  of  Maurice,  who  declared 
that  “he  had  five  provinces  and  six  cities  of  Holland 
on  his  side,”  that  “the  Waartgelders  were  worse 
than  Spanish  fortresses”  and  that  “they  must  go,” 
Utrecht  was  powerless,  and  early  in  the  morning  of 
July  31st,  the  Prince  with  characteristic  skill  quietly 
took  military  occupation  of  the  town.^^  Utrecht 
awoke  to  find  the  Waartgelders  only  a memory  of 
yesterday. 

Maurice  was  quick  to  follow  up  his  sudden  victory 
with  changes  of  lasting  effect,  and,  four  days  after 
his  soldiers  had  taken  possession  of  the  town,  a new 
body  of  magistrates  was  substituted  for  the  old,  to 

18  Ibid.,  Bk.  Ill,  p.  126. 

18  Formed  January  29th,  1579.  This  document  was  originally 
signed  by  only  Holland,  Utrecht,  Gelderland,  Zeeland  and  Fries- 
land, but  Groningen  and  Overijssel,  as  well  as  the  towns  of 
Ghent,  Bruges,  Ypres,  and  Antwerp,  later  joined.  By  this  Union 
each  province,  though  it  renounced  its  right  to  make  separate 
treaties,  was  to  retain  its  special  liberties  and  privileges,  and  to 
decide  upon  the  religion  it  should  adopt,  individual  freedom  of 
conscience  being  allowed.  The  Confederacy  was  to  be  ruled  by  a 
General  Assembly  formed  of  deputies  from  each  provincial  as- 
sembly. Johnson’s  “Europe  in  the  Sixteenth  Century — 1494- 
1598,”  p.  358. 

20  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  Ill,  p.  126; 
from  manuscript  notes  of  Grotius. 

21  Ibid.,  Bk.  Ill,  p.  130. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  8i 


hold  office  for  life,  although  their  predecessors  had 
only  remained  from  year  to  year.  Needless  to  say, 
these  new  magistrates,  and  those  appointed  in  like 
manner  throughout  the  provinces  of  Holland  and 
Utrecht,  had  little  Arminian  sympathy,  and  looked 
upon  the  Stadtholder  as  supreme  head,  although  he 
formally  acknowledged  the  States-General  as  his 
sovereign. 

It  now  looked  as  though  the  Province  of  Holland 
was  too  weak  to  oppose  the  holding  of  the  Synod  at 
Dordrecht,  and  Grotius,  who  had  escaped  in  safety 
from  Utrecht,  and  Barneveld  were  busy  working  for 
a compromise,  to  the  effect  that  the  decisions  of  the 
Synod  should  not  be  regarded  as  binding  until  ratified 
by  the  separate  states, when  Maurice  played  his 
last  and  strongest  card. 

In  spite  of  the  warnings  of  their  friends  that  they 
were  in  danger  of  arrest,  Barneveld,  Grotius,  and 
Hoogerbeets,  who  believed  that  they  had  done  noth- 
ing but  actively  defend  the  constitutional  rights  of 
their  country,  chose  to  remain  at  The  Hague  rather 
than  seek  refuge  in  a fortified  town  in  sympathy  with 
their  cause.  On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-ninth  of 
August,  i6i8,^®  Grotius  started  to  a meeting  of  the 
States  of  Holland  within  the  ancient  Binnenhof  or 
Inner  Court.  Passing  through  the  parts  of  the 

22  Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  pp.  236,  237. 

23  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  135 ; 
from  the  manuscript  notes  of  Grotius.  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de 
Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  92,  note  a — Ep.  104,  p.  785 ; “Scribebam  die  29 
Augusti,  1625,  quo  captivitatis  nostrae  inchoatae  memoriam  cele- 
bramus.” 


82 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


buildings  composing  the  apartments  of  Maurice,  he 
was  stopped  by  the  Chamberlain  of  the  Prince  who 
said  that  “his  Excellency  wished  to  speak  with  him 
and  that  the  Chief-Counsellor  (Barneveld)  was  also 
there.”  He  had  hardly  mounted  the  stairs  when 
he  was  met  by  Peter  van  der  Meulen,  Captain  of 
the  Guards,  who  announced  that  he  had  orders  from 
the  States-General  to  arrest  him.  Forthwith  he  was 
taken  to  a room  in  these  apartments,  where  he  was 
guarded  by  two  halberdmen.  Later  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  another  room  facing  upon  the  Binnenhof, 
and  in  the  evening  was  removed  to  a third  chamber 
where  he  remained  three  days  and  nights  with  the 
window  shutters  barred. 

Barneveld  and  Hoogerbeets  had  each  been  ar- 
rested in  the  same  way,  while  Secretary  Ledenberg 
was  taken  prisoner  in  Utrecht,  later  to  be  confined 
at  The  Hague.  Thus  the  three  statesmen  were 
quietly  but  effectively  silenced.  Truly  the  Prince’s 
last  card  had  swept  the  table. 

The  same  day,  the  following  unsigned  notice  ap- 
peared at  The  Hague: 

“Whereas,  by  the  changes,  brought  about  within 
the  city  of  Utrecht  and  elsewhere  by  the  High  and 
Mighty  Lords,  the  States-Gerteral  of  the  United 
Netherlands,  through  his  Excellency  and  their  Lord- 
ships’  committee  joined  with  him,  various  things 
have  been  uncovered,  of  which  there  had  previously 
been  great  suspicion,  serving  to  the  great  injury  and 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  135. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  POLITICAL  83 


prejudice  of  the  Provinces  in  general  and  of  each 
Province  in  particular,  not  without  apparent  danger 
and  peril  to  the  State  of  the  Country,  and  that 
thereby  not  only  the  forementioned  city  of  Utrecht, 
but  various  other  cities  of  the  United  Provinces 
would  have  fallen  into  a blood-bath  and  that  the 
greatest  offenders  thereof  are  considered  John  of 
Barneveld,  Chief-Counsellor  of  Holland;  Rombout 
Hoogerbeets;  and  Hugo  Grotius;  whereof  hereafter 
announcement  and  declaration  will  be  made.  So 
have  the  High-Mentioned  Lords,  the  States-General 
in  order  to  prevent  these  and  similar  inconveniences, 
to  place  the  State  of  the  Land  in  security,  and  to 
bring  the  burghers  of  the  towns  again  into  civil  unity, 
relationship  and  friendship,  found  it  good  and  re- 
solved to  arrest  the  forementioned  three  persons,  in 
order  that  out  of  their  imprisonment  they  may  be 
held  to  answer  for  their  actions  and  offenses.  Exe- 
cuted in  The  Hague  the  twenty-ninth  of  August, 
1618.” 

A committee  representing  a majority  of  the  States 
of  Holland,  going  to  the  Prince  to  protest  against 
the  arrest,  received  little  satisfaction,  for  its  mem- 
bers were  informed  that  he,  Maurice,  had  nothing  to 
say  in  the  matter,  the  States-General  having  taken  the 
action.  True,  on  the  twenty-eighth,  the  day  before 
the  arrest,  eight  members  of  the  States-General,  in  a 
secret  meeting,  had  authorized  the  arrest,  and  now, 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  pp.  13S, 


84 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


by  the  proclamation  of  the  twenty-ninth,  the  States- 
General  took  all  the  responsibility.  A clever  man 
was  Maurice  of  Nassau,  now  called  Prince  of  Or- 
ange, since  the  death  of  his  brother,  Philip  William, 
at  Brussels  on  February  twenty-first,  of  this  year. 
Supreme  head  of  the  Netherlands  in  fact,  though  not 
in  name,  he  had  quickly  triumphed;  the  Gomarist 
cause  now  had  a clear  field  before  it,  for  the  men  who 
had  defended  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  Provinces 
were  in  prison.^® 

26  Maurice  had  never  been  appointed  Captain-General  of  all  the 
United  Provinces.  After  the  departure  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester 
from  Holland,  November  24th,  1586,  he  had  been  made  Captain- 
General  of  Holland  and  Zeeland.  In  1590  he  was  appointed 
Stadtholder  and  Captain-General  of  Gelderland,  Utrecht,  and 
Overijssel.  Johnson’s  “Europe  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,  1494- 
1598,”  pp.  371-378. 


CHAPTER  V 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 

National  Synod  held — Intervention  of  Louis  XIII  in  behalf  of 
the  prisoners — Grotius  writes  to  Prince  Maurice — Letters  to  and 
from  his  wife — His  first  examination — Ledenberg  kills  himself — 
Barneveld’s  sentence  and  death — Grotius  condemned  to  perpetual 
imprisonment. 

As  Maurice  had  acted  one  month  before  at  Ut- 
recht, so  he  acted  now.  He  had  struck  at  the  heart 
of  the  opposition,  and  now  it  was  necessary  to  wipe 
out  the  effects  of  his  opponents’  work.  Accordingly, 
without  losing  valuable  time,  he  started,  a few  days 
after  the  arrest  of  the  three  Remonstrants,  upon  a 
tour  of  the  country,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to  con- 
solidate his  cause  by  the  complete  elimination  of  the 
Arminians  from  church  and  civil  offices. 

It  is  almost  superfluous  to  say  that  he  met  with 
little  or  no  resistance  as  he  traveled,  for  the  people 
had  not  yet  recovered  from  the  blow  his  military 
forces  had  struck,  and  in  Rotterdam,  where  Grotius 
had  served  as  Pensionary,  he  took  the  great  church 
away  from  the  Remonstrants,  placing  a garrison  of 
one  hundred  men  in  the  town  to  insure  himself 
against  a further  uprising,  while  Vorstius,  Uytenbo- 

85 


86 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


gaert,  and  Episcopius,  the  most  enthusiastic  Armin- 
ians,  were  deposed.^ 

All  effective  opposition  to  the  National  Synod  hav- 
ing been  quashed,  the  States-General  proceeded  to 
open  it  on  the  13th  of  November,  1618.*  It  was 
composed  of  seventy  Contra-Remonstrants  and  four- 
teen Remonstrants,®  with  John  Bogerman,  Minister 
of  Leewarden  in  Friesland,  as  President.  On  the 
loth  of  December  the  Remonstrants  presented  a dec- 
laration stating  that  they  would  not  recognize  the 
Synod  since  it  was  an  illegal  assembly  in  which  the 
men  were  their  own  judges,  and  proposing  twelve 
conditions  under  which,  and  only  under  which,  they 
would  recognize  it. 

For  this  bit  of  impertinence  the  Arminians  were 
duly  censured,  and,  although  desirous  to  leave  the  as- 
sembly, were  ordered  to  remain,  only  to  hear  their 
articles  condemned,  the  Arminian  ministers  declared 
guilty  of  corrupting  religion,  and  deposed.  The  de- 
cision of  the  Synod  was  approved  by  the  States-Gen- 
eral, July  2nd,  1619,*  and  on  the  same  day  the  Ar- 
minian ministers  who  had  been  detained  at  Dord- 
recht were  banished  or  imprisoned,  while  the  prop- 
erty of  some  was  confiscated. 

In  the  meantime  mischief  had  been  at  work  against 
the  three  imprisoned  statesmen.  Reports  were  cir- 

1 De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  95. 

2 De  Burigny,  ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  95. 

^ Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  96,  quoting  Grotii  manes,  p.  132. 

* Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  97. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


87 


culated  widely  by  their  enemies  that  Barneveld  and 
Grotius  had  been  bribed  by  Spain  to  betray  the  Prov- 
inces, that  they  had  taken  money  from  the  Spaniards 
in  1609  to  conclude  the  Truce,  that  they  had  in- 
stigated disputes  and  uprisings  purely  to  disunite  the 
Provinces  and  to  introduce  into  Holland  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  of  Spain.  No  insinuation  was  too 
false  or  disreputable  to  be  scattered  among  the  mad 
people  in  libelous  verses  or  caricatures. 

But  one  ray  of  hope  shone  upon  these  dark  scenes 
in  the  form  of  the  intervention  of  Louis  XIII  of 
France.  In  July,  1618,  Grotius,  before  his  arrest, 
had  received  a letter  from  the  King,  offering  his  aid 
in  holding  the  discordant  provinces  together.  It 
read  as  follows: 

“Mr.  de  Groot: 

“I  send  with  this  letter  my  Ambassador  Extraordi- 
nary, M.  de  Boissise,  my  Counsellor  of  State,  to  help 
contrive  means  to  decide  the  quarrels  which  have 
arisen  in  your  land,  the  consequences  of  which  could 
draw  after  them  very  dangerous  events  to  the  distur- 
bance of  the  tranquillity  of  your  Republic,  whose 
salvation  and  advantage  are  most  highly  taken  to 
heart  by  me.  I wish  to  give  to  the  country  by  this 
means  a clear  testimony  of  good  friendship  and  alli- 
ance, and  I wish  to  assure  your  Highness  through 
the  same  M.  de  Boissise  of  my  good  inclination  to- 
wards you.  Moreover,  Mr.  de  Groot,  I pray  God 


88 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


that  he  take  you  in  His  holy  protection.  Written 
in  Paris  the  twelfth  of  July,  i6i8. 

“Louis.® 
(and  below) 

“Brulart.” 

According  to  his  instructions,  the  Ambassador 
Extraordinary,  before  affairs  had  reached  a crisis, 
appeared  before  the  States-General  on  August  14th, 
1618.  Speaking  in  the  cause  of  unity  and  peace,  he 
entreated  them  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  preserve 
the  State,  “that  State”  he  declared,  “which  lifts  its 
head  so  high  that  it  equals  or  surpasses  the  mightiest 
Republics  that  ever  existed,  and  which  could  not  have 
risen  to  such  a height  of  honor  and  grandeur  in  so 
short  a time,  but  through  harmony  and  union  of  all 
the  provinces,  through  the  valor  of  his  Excellency 
and  through  your  own  wise  counsels,  both  sustained 
by  our  great  King,  whose  aid  is  continued  by  his 
son.  The  King,  my  master,  knows  not  the  cause  of 
your  disturbances.  You  have  not  communicated 
them  to  him,  but  their  most  apparent  cause  is  a dif- 
ference of  opinion,  born  in  the  schools,  thence 
brought  before  the  public,  upon  a point  of  theology. 
That  point  has  long  been  deemed  by  many  to  be  so 
hard  and  so  high  that  the  best  advice  to  give  about 
it  is  to  follow  what  God’s  Word  teaches  touching 

® Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  Ill,  p.  131. 
Long  after  this,  though  as  soon  as  he  was  able,  Grotius  thanked 
King  Louis  and  du  Maurier,  his  Ambassador  Ordinary,  for  their 
interest  and  trouble  in  his  behalf. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


89 


God’s  secrets,  to  wit,  that  one  should  use  moderation 
and  modesty  therein  and  should  not  rashly  press  too 
far  into  that  which  he  wishes  to  be  covered  with  the 
veil  of  reverence  and  wonder.  That  is  a wise  ignor- 
ance to  keep  one’s  eyes  from  that  which  God  chooses 
to  conceal.  He  calls  us  not  to  eternal  life  through 
subtle  and  perplexing  questions.”  ® Picturing  their 
dissentions,  then,  as  having  an  effect  beyond  the  bor- 
ders of  the  country,  he  added;  “What  joy,  what  rap- 
ture you  are  preparing  for  your  neighbors  by  your 
quarrels ! How  they  will  scorn  you ! How  they 
will  laugh ! What  a hope  do  you  give  them  of  re- 
venging themselves  upon  you  without  danger  to 
themselves ! Let  me  implore  you  to  baffle  their 
malice,  to  turn  their  joy  into  mourning,  to  unite 
yourselves  to  confound  them.”  ^ 

Again  on  the  twelfth  of  December,  de  Boissise 
and  du  Maurier,  Ambassador  Ordinary  to  the  Neth- 
erlands from  France,  urged  the  States-General  to 
heed  the  words  of  their  King,  declaring  that  the  lat- 
ter would  take  great  offense  at  the  slight  regard  they 
paid  his  counsels,  prayers  and  friendship,  and  prom- 
ising them  that  a continuation  of  their  attitude  would 
cause  a corresponding  change  in  the  King.®  But  the 
representatives  of  Louis  might  as  well  have  tried  to 
stem  the  tide  of  the  ocean  as  attempted  to  secure 

® Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  p.  254,  quoting  Baudar- 
tius,  X,  60,  61 ; and  Brandt,  “Hist.  Ref.,”  II,  821. 

^ Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  pp.  254,  255,  quoting 
Brandt,  “Hist.  Ref.,”  H,  821. 

® De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  101. 


90 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


impartial  judges  to  try  the  prisoners.  Except  a 
promise  that  the  States  would  act  with  the  leniency 
and  clemency  which  justice  and  the  safety  of  the  State 
would  permit,®  which,  of  course,  meant  nothing  at 
all,  the  Ambassadors  met  with  no  success. 

To  make  matters  worse  for  the  prisoners,  Fran- 
cis Aerssens,  former  Ambassador  of  the  States  to 
France,  opened  an  old  quarrel.  For  the  past  few 
months  a bitter  controversy  had  been  waging  be- 
tween the  latter  and  Cornells  van  der  Myle,  son-in- 
law  of  Barneveld,  a diplomatist,  who  had  been  the 
first  Ambassador  to  the  Venetian  Republic,  and  the 
head  of  the  special  embassy  to  France  in  i6io,  re- 
lating to  the  recall  of  Aerssens  from  the  French  Em- 
bassy.^® Van  der  Myle  had  proved  by  letters  of  the 
Queen-Dowager  and  her  counsellors,  that  the  Am- 
bassador had  left  his  post  at  the  express  wish  of  the 
French  government.  On  September  2nd,  i6i8,  four 
days  after  the  arrest  of  the  three  Remonstrants, 
Aerssens  threw  the  whole  matter  before  the  States- 
General,  and  the  affair,  opening  as  it  did  the  old 
trouble  with  France  in  1612  regarding  the  Spanish 
marriages,  brought  about  an  estrangement  between 
Holland  and  France,  most  useful  to  the  mischief- 
maker.“ 

The  trouble  grew.  James  I of  England  and 
Baron  Langerac,  Ambassador  at  Paris  from  Hol- 
land, did  all  in  their  power  to  oppose,  for  political  or 

® Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  101.  This  answer  came  on  December  19th. 

10  1611. 

11  Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  pp.  257-259. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


91 


private  reasons,  the  honest  efforts  of  the  French  Am- 
bassadors in  behalf  of  Barneveld,  Grotius,  and 
Hoogerbeets.  It  is  said  that,  during  this  time,  the 
British  Ambassador  at  The  Hague  entered  a com- 
plaint against  Grotius’  book  “The  Free  Sea,”  urging 
that  Holland  make  an  example  of  the  author  in  order 
to  discourage  others  from  putting  forth  works  which 
might  lead  to  a misunderstanding  between  the  na- 
tions. If  this  story  be  true,  the  States-General  evi- 
dently paid  no  attention  to  the  petition,  for  nothing 
was  done. 

Finally,  on  November  19th,  1618,^^  the  States- 
General  chose  twenty-four  commissioners,^®  selected 
from  the  nobility  and  magistrates  of  the  seven  prov- 
inces, to  sit  as  a court  of  judgment  at  The  Hague. 
Grotius  had  been  removed  from  the  room  in  the 
Prince’s  apartments  a few  days  after  his  arrest,  and 
had  since  then  been  confined  in  a two-storied  build- 
ing just  behind  the  ancient  hall  of  the  old  Counts 
in  the  Binnenhof.  The  first  floor  of  this  building 
was  used  as  a courtroom,  while  the  floor  above  was 
divided  into  three  parts.  The  first  room  was  to  be 
the  scene  of  the  trial,  while  in  the  second  and  third 
chambers  were  confined,  respectively,  Grotius  and 
Barneveld. 

In  this  room,  where  the  Admiral  of  Arragon  had 

12  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  99. 

Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  p.  314.  De  Burigny, 
“Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  99,  says  the  board  was  composed  of 
twenty-six  commissioners. 

Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  p.  298 ; Brandt’s  “Het 
Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  140. 


92 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


been  lodged  after  the  victory  at  Nieuwpoort,  in 
1600/®  Grotius  remained,  with  only  his  faithful  ser- 
vant William  van  der  Velde  for  company, for  al- 
most three  months,  pondering  the  rapid  events,  now 
an  important  part  of  the  history  of  his  country, 
which  had  led  up  to  his  arrest,  and  weighing  the  pros 
and  cons  of  his  case  and  of  those  of  his  fellow  pris- 
oners. From  this  chamber  he  wrote  various  letters, 
among  which  was  one  to  Prince  Maurice.  This  was 
written  on  the  suggestion  of  Lieutenant  Nythof,  who, 
while  informing  Grotius  that  many  charges  had  been 
brought  against  the  Chief-Counsellor,  advised  him 
to  send  a defense  to  Prince  Maurice  which  would 
show  his  innocence.  The  letter  which  Grotius,  fol- 
lowing this  advice,  wrote,  is  translated  in  full  as  fol- 
lows : 

“Nohle-born,  Serene  Prince,  Gracious  Lord: 

“In  these,  my  troubles,  which  utterly  disturb  me 
and  my  relatives,  my  sole  hope,  next  to  God  Al- 
mighty is  your  Excellency’s  great  grace,  and  (if  I 
am  permitted  to  say  this)  the  special  good  will  al- 
ways shown  to  me  by  your  Excellency.  I am  most 
of  all  worried  over  the  principal  parties,  which  I 
have  not  created,  but  found.  How  quietly  I have 
acted,  having  my  appointment  as  Attorney  General 
through  your  Excellency’s  favor,  all  the  Counsellors 

15  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  140. 

18  Ibid,  Bk.  IV,  p.  140. 

11  This  letter  is  given  in  full  in  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig 
de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  pp.  141-148.  It  is  translated  above  from  the 
original  Dutch. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


93 


know,  who  can  bear  witness  also  of  my  sincerity 
of  service.  When  the  office  in  the  service  of  the 
city  of  Rotterdam  was  offered  to  me  I doubted  for  a 
long  time  whether  I would  accept  it,  as  I was  well 
contented  in  the  service  of  the  County  (Holland). 
But,  advised  by  wiser  men,  I have  finally  accepted 
that  office.  Your  Excellency  knows  the  conditions 
of  affairs  in  the  City  of  Rotterdam  at  that  time.  All 
the  Magistrates,  with  the  exception  of  one  person, 
showed  themselves  to  be  of  one  mind.  The  Clergy 
was  undivided,  and  the  majority  and  best  part  of  the 
citizens  was  on  its  side.  As  far  as  I was  concerned, 
my  real  feeling  was  such,  that,  of  the  two  factions 
which  were  disputing  in  the  church,  I could  neither 
unconditionally  agree  with  the  one  nor  the  other,- but 
had  an  opinion  of  my  own.  It  would  have  been 
folly  for  me  to  oppose  such  a large  section  of  the 
city.  I was  a Servant  and  had  to  regulate  myself, 
within  the  limits  of  honesty,  to  the  will  of  my  Mas- 
ters, to  whom  I had  taken  oath.  As  their  Servant, 
I have  tried  to  uphold  their  authority.  However 
ungrateful  this  task  might  be,  I have  not  neglected  to 
try  all  means  to  obtain  harmony.  Therefore  I have 
attempted  in  all  possible  ways  to  harmonize  the 
Clergy  and  to  unite  both  parties  in  our  city,  however 
different.  Part  of  my  endeavors  in  this  respect  is 
known  to  your  Excellency,  but  not  all.  I would  not 
dare  to  bother  your  Excellency  with  the  narrative  of 
all  I have  done  in  this  matter.  But  many  persons 
are  still  alive,  who  can  testify  to  this.  Seeing  this 


94 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


would  not  succeed,  I have,  at  the  knowledge  of  your 
Excellency,  worked  to  re-admit  at  least  the  private 
militia,  which  had  been  abolished  many  years  before 
I came  Into  office.  It  would  hold  us  too  long  to  re- 
late with  how  much  trouble  and  ingratitude  this  was 
done.  But  the  people  themselves,  who  have  bene- 
fited by  this,  will  bear  witness  for  me  if  requested. 
As  to  public  affairs,  the  Conference  had  been  held, 
the  Resolutions  of  the  years  i6i  i and  1613  had  been 
adopted  and  that  of  the  year  ’14  was  in  discussion, 
when  I took  office.  How  I was  inclined  the  Propo- 
sition to  Amsterdam  shows,  which  then  did  not  at  all 
displease  Mr.  Muis.^®  But  seeing  that  In  our  Meet- 
ing we  could  take  no  uniform  Resolution  toward  har- 
mony, I was,  with  difficulty,  able  to  persuade  the 
municipality  of  Rotterdam  to  follow  every  good 
proposition  of  the  municipality  of  Dordrecht. 
Finally,  seeing  that  those  proposals  also  did  not  suc- 
ceed, I was  the  very  first  (to  wit,  among  the  Cities 
of  that  opinion)  to  urge,  In  the  name  of  Rotter- 
dam, that  the  matter  should  be  settled  by  Synods, 
and  that  the  question  of  Church  government  should 
be  postponed  until  the  doctrinal  question  was  set- 
tled. The  Pensionary  Pauw  can  testify  that  I,  after 
having  notified  the  municipality  of  Amsterdam,  went 
with  him  to  the  Chief-Counsellor  of  Holland,  and 
that  I there  explained  my  reasons  for  the  holding 
of  a Synod,  although  the  Chief-Counsellor  found 
many  objections  to  them.  It  was  then  hoped,  even 


Later  to  be  one  of  the  judges  to  hear  the  prisoners. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


95 


by  some  persons  of  Amsterdam,  that  the  matter 
could  be  honorably  settled  by  a Provincial  Synod,  if 
properly  arranged,  of  the  States  of  Holland.  But, 
as  there  became  a great  demand  for  a National 
Synod,  and  I found  that  many  Ministers  and  also 
some  Magistrates  did  not  agree  with  this,  fearing 
that  matters  would  thus  be  made  more  complicated, 
instead  of  harmonized,  I gained  the  advice  of  some 
learned  Ministers  in  Holland  as  well  as  in  Zeeland, 
to  ascertain  in  what  manner  mutual  satisfaction 
could  be  obtained.  I heard  two  kinds  of  advice. 
First,  to  arrange  for  a Provincial  Synod  without  the 
National,  with  the  possibility  that  the  latter  should 
follow;  second,  to  provide  for  a General  Synod  along 
with  the  National,  as  being  less  partial  and  possessed 
with  more  authority,  whereas  the  matter  was  of  such 
importance,  that  the  other  churches  were  also  con- 
cerned. To  the  last  I felt  most  of  all  inclined,  as  I 
had  wished  for  it  for  a long  time,  and  as  I had  un- 
derstood from  His  Majesty  of  Great  Britain  that  he 
also  favored  the  same.  Also,  I had  seen  many  ad- 
vices from  foreign  Theologians  similarly  inclined. 
I have  tried  to  direct  everything  toward  this  end, 
and  done  my  best  that  the  proposal  for  a National 
as  well  as  a General  Synod  should  be  included  in  the 
Declaration  of  the  Nobility  and  most  of  the  Cities 
of  Holland,  for  I never  have  thought  that  the  con- 
vocation of  a General  Synod  would  be  as  difficult  as 
some  people  think,  especially  if  the  States-General 
would  make  efforts  for  it.  For  I knew  well  that  in 


96 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


France,  England,  and  Germany,  many  inclinations 
existed  toward  the  same.  My  communications  first 
with  Clergyman  Walaeus  and  then  with  your  Excel- 
lency had  the  tendency  to  arrange  for  a National 
Synod,  with  the  promise  to  encourage  the  General 
Synod,  in  case,  by  the  National,  matters  might  not  be 
uniformly  settled.  The  written  proposal  lately 
made  by  me  to  your  Excellency,  unknown  to  the 
Chief-Counsellor  of  Holland,  through  the  Treas- 
urer-General de  Bye,  had  the  same  tendency,  and 
could,  in  my  judgment,  be  made  to  conform  with  the 
plans  of  the  Lords  of  the  States-General  without  loss 
of  time.  But  what  displeased  me  was  that  the  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  other  Provinces  never  consented 
to  remove  the  objections  of  the  Lords  of  the  States 
of  Holland,  or  even  the  majority  of  them,  by  inter- 
locutions, but  always  subjected  the  same  to  vote, 
which  I thought  to  violate  the  honor  of  Holland,  for 
there  were  means  enough  to  come  to  an  understand- 
ing. All  the  Cities  of  Holland  are  my  witnesses  that 
I have  never  objected  to  the  National  Synod  as  such, 
but  that  I have  wished  that  it  might  be  uniformly 
adopted,  and  that  it  might  lead  to  Christian  harmony 
according  to  the  word  of  God.  This  has  been  my 
purpose,  against  which  I have  never  acted,  but  to 
reach  it  I have  now  and  then  given  slight  conces- 
sions, as  I knew  the  tempers  of  the  cities  and  es- 
pecially of  Rotterdam,  which  I thought  ought  to  be 
treated  gently  rather  than  harshly.  Of  the  letter  to 
the  Arch-bishop  of  Spalaten  I have  given  an  account 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


97 


in  an  epistle  recently  sent  by  me  to  Counsellor  Vos- 
bergen  with  your  Excellency’s  consent,  to  which  I 
make  reference  here:  declaring  never  to  have  had 
the  intention  to  solicit  a substitution  for  Mr.  Carle- 
ton,^®  but  only  to  ascertain  whether  it  would  please 
His  Majesty  to  send  hither  a good  Theologian,  able 
to  understand  the  nature  of  the  dispute,  so  that  His 
Majesty,  having  received  report  thereof,  might  con- 
sider the  remedies  and  more  especially  the  convoca- 
tion of  a General  Synod.  Not  without  reason  have 
I taken  this  step,  not  only  after  the  example  of  many 
Clergymen  who  stand  in  similar  communication  with 
England,  but  also  because  His  Majesty,  when  I was 
in  England,  personally  requested  me  to  inform  him 
of  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  here,  as  I have  done  for  a 
long  time  through  Mr.  Casaubon  while  he  lived,  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  Chief-Counsellor  of  the  Land. 
This,  Gracious  Lord,  has  been  my  view  on  the  ec- 
clesiastical affairs;  having  wished  that,  during  the 
presence  of  the  Lords  of  Holland  at  the  meeting  of 
the  States-General,  some  proposals  might  have  been 
made  in  behalf  of  a National  Synod,  in  some  har- 
monious way,  which  I thought  not  to  be  impossible. 
My  opinion  has  always  been,  that  anything  accom- 
plished in  such  matters  uniformly  and  willingly,  is 
better  than  results  obtained  by  force. 

“Furthermore,  I can  truly  state,  that  I have  al- 

Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  who  was  appointed  Ambassador  from 
England  to  Holland  in  January,  1615.  There  he  had  entered  into 
the  political  and  religious  disputes  against  Grotius  and  Barneveld 
with  little  qualification  to  do  so. 


98 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


ways  tried  to  moderate  the  opinion  of  the  Lords  of 
Rotterdam  as  much  as  possible,  even  though  they 
have  often  rebuked  me  for  it.  The  Resolution  of 
the  fourth  of  August,  as  well  as  the  Power  of  At- 
torney (which  I have  not  helped  to  establish  nor  in- 
fluenced without  the  express  command  of  the  Muni- 
cipality of  Rotterdam)  have  originated  from  the 
fear,  which  magistrates  in  office  usually  have  of  be- 
ing degraded  on  account  of  opinions.  The  princi- 
pal person,  who  promoted  the  acceptance  of  the 
‘Waartgelders’  there,  was  a Burgomaster,  now  de- 
ceased, whose  intention  was  that  the  City  of  Rotter- 
dam then  would  have  an  occupying  force  required 
by  time  and  circumstances,  since  the  city  was  en- 
larged and  open.^^  The  Municipality  was  often  ad- 
vised to  have  them  paid  out  of  the  Land’s  treas- 
ury. I have  always  disadvised  this  and  have  done 
my  best  that  the  means  of  the  Land  should  not  be 
shortened  by  the  City;  which  has  brought  me  ingrati- 
tude. 

“With  regard  to  my  Utrecht  journey,  I was  or- 
dered to  do  this  against  my  will  and  advice.  The 
Lords  of  Utrecht  have  never  shown  me  any  special 
favor.  I therefore  am  not  in  the  least  obligated  to 
them.  The  truth  is  that  Mr.  Haan,  Mr.  Hooger- 
beets  and  I (having  learned  from  Secretary  Leden- 
berg  of  the  inclination  to  dismiss  the  ‘Waartgelders’ 
on  condition,  and  how,  after  communication  with  the 

20  The  mercenaries. 

21  “open  lagh”  = without  sufficient  walls. 

22 1.  e.,  Holland’s. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


99 


Chief-Counsellor  of  Holland,  some  difficulties  re- 
garding the  old  and  the  new  soldiers  had  arisen)  saw 
the  Chief-Counsellor  of  Holland,  who  gave  us  his 
consent  to  visit  the  Deputation  from  Utrecht  and 
tell  them  in  a friendly  manner  what  was  happening 
here.  I understand  that  two  of  the  gentlemen 
visited  them  first  without  me,  on  a later  visit  taking 
Burgomaster  de  Lange  and  me  with  them.  The 
Representatives  of  Utrecht  most  of  all  insisted  upon 
money,  which  we  could  not  give  without  instructions, 
but  it  was  our  opinion  that  they  should  wait  until  the 
Resolution  was  passed  in  Holland,  on  the  assurance 
of  the  Magistrates,  and  concerning  which  the  No- 
bility and  some  of  the  Cities  have  been  correspond- 
ing with  your  Excellency.  I have  always  felt  sure, 
that  if,  postponing  the  ecclesiastical  affairs,  it  would 
have  pleased  the  Lords  of  the  States-General  and 
your  Excellency  to  reassure  the  Magistrates  against 
all  active  measures,  the  disbandment  of  the  ‘Waart- 
gelders’  would  have  taken  place  with  common  satis- 
faction. The  Deputation  from  Utrecht  left  The 
Hague  without  my  knowledge,  so  I do  not  know  with 
whom  they  may  have  talked.  But,  arriving  from 
Rotterdam  the  next  Tuesday  in  the  Assembly  of  Hol- 
land, I found  the  matter  of  Utrecht  being  discussed 
there.  With  other  persons  I was  sent  to  the  Lords 
of  the  States-General  to  ask  for  a respite.  On  my 
initiative  I added  a request  to  hear  proposals  con- 
cerning the  re-assurance  of  the  Magistrates,  but  this 
was  not  considered  and  twice  we  were  called  upon  to 


lOO 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


report,  which  we  did.  Then  followed  my  appoint- 
ment as  commissioner,  from  which  I asked  to  be  ex- 
cused by  the  Chief-Counsellor  of  the  Land  and  also 
by  the  Burgomasters  of  Rotterdam,  but  in  vain.  In 
the  afternoon  I complained  about  this  before  the 
Chief-Counsellor  of  the  Land,  and,  through  him, 
made  my  complaint  to  the  Treasurer-General  de 
Bye,  also  to  my  wife  by  letter.  Through  the  Lord 
Chief-Counsellor’s  skill  I have  had  several  commis- 
sions, which  were  never  connected  with  honor  or 
profit,  but  have  always  been  unpleasant,  hateful,  and 
painful.  Never,  however,  has  one  of  them  been 
more  reluctantly  accepted  by  me  than  this  one.  It 
seems  that  people  thereby  tried  to  frustrate  my  hope 
of  ever  enjoying  your  Excellency’s  favor.  Never- 
theless, having  letters  of  instruction  sealed  with  the 
seal  of  the  States  and  signed  by  their  Secretary,  and 
ordered  to  do  so  by  the  Burgomasters  of  Rotter- 
dam, I had  to  be  faithful  to  my  oath,  which  says  that 
we  must  accept  and  carry  out  all  commissions  en- 
trusted to  us.  For  my  oath  bound  me  to  no  one  but 
the  States  of  Holland  and  the  City  of  Rotterdam, 
and,  I have  always  regarded  that  which  was  signed 
by  their  Secretary  as  the  will  of  the  States  of  Hol- 
land. During  the  journey,  looking  over  the  dis- 
patches to  the  heads  of  the  army,  I was  astonished 
to  notice  therein  the  clause  ordering  obedience  to 
the  deputies  from  Holland,  and,  as  I did  not  remem- 
ber this  to  have  been  agreed  upon,  I was  very  much 
dissatisfied.  Arriving  at  Utrecht  we  made  our  Pro- 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


lOI 


posal  in  general  terms,  including  what  had  passed. 
Not  once,  but  several  times,  I declared  before  our 
Representatives,  as  well  as  those  of  Utrecht,  that, 
according  to  my  opinion,  our  presence  there  could  do 
no  good,  and  that  it  would  be  better  if  we  departed. 
After  the  Proposal  of  the  Deputies  from  the  Lords 
of  the  States-General  had  been  made.  Secretary  Led- 
enberg  approached  me  and  orally  communicated  to 
me  the  intention  of  the  States  of  Utrecht,  request- 
ing me  to  write  the  same  down,  as  he  said  he  had 
no  time.  This  I did  after  some  excuses,  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  other  Commissioners  from  Hol- 
land, after  which  I sent  it  to  Ledenberg,  who,  as  he 
said,  would  communicate  the  same  to  Hamel,  and 
afterwards  report  to  the  States  of  Utrecht.  Then 
we  attended  the  Meeting  of  the  States  of  Utrecht 
and  advised  them  to  make  some  arrangement  re- 
garding the  garrison  of  the  City  and  to  communicate 
the  same  to  your  Excellency.  Thereafter  I found 
to  my  great  regret  that  the  Assembly  of  the  States  of 
Utrecht  was  suddenly  discontinued,  without  our 
knowledge.  For  I was  always  hoping  that  some  un- 
derstanding would  be  reached  concerning  the  Synod 
as  well  as  the  re-assurance  of  the  Magistrates.  In 
regard  to  these  matters  I also  had  some  friendly 
communications  with  Burgomaster  van  de  Pol.  Still 
we  wished  that  this  had  happened  with  the  consent 
of  the  States  of  Holland,  in  which  case  I offered  my 
service,  to  proceed  to  Holland.  Many  members  of 
the  States  of  Utrecht  visited  us  from  time  to  time 


102 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


and  no  one  was  barred  by  us.  Your  Excellency 
knows  how  long  the  letters  entrusted  to  us  to  the 
heads  of  the  army  were  delayed,  before  we,  after 
the  reinforcement  of  our  committee  and  after  hav- 
ing received  further  instructions,  could  communicate 
with  your  Excellency  again.  It  was  rumored  that 
your  Excellency  wished  to  excuse  yourself,  and  that 
the  Deputies  from  the  States-General  would  employ 
someone  else  to  perform  certain  functions;  and,  not 
knowing  what  these  functions  would  be,  nor  how  they 
would  end,  we  thought  that  the  delivery  of  the  let- 
ters (for  several  Lords  of  Utrecht  insisted  thereon) 
would  postpone  matters  and  prevent  troubles,  until 
the  States  of  Holland  should  be  notified  thereof.  In 
the  delivery  of  the  letters  and  the  documents  (which 
Mr.  Hoogerbeets  had  possession  of)  I advised  the 
military  commanders,  that,  disregarding  the  full  ex- 
tent of  the  letter,  we  did  not  wish  to  take  them  under 
our  command,  but  simply  told  them  not  to  under- 
take anything  against  the  States  of  Utrecht  adding 
to  it  that  we  had  nothing  against  your  Excellency, 
but  that  we  only  were  following  our  instructions. 

“What  I did  afterward.  Gracious  Lord,  to  dis- 
band first  a section  and  then  all  the  ‘Waartgelders’ 
of  Rotterdam,  to  your  Excellency’s  satisfaction,  but 
to  the  dissatisfaction  of  many  Magistrates  and  citi- 
zens and  even  to  the  discomfort  of  the  City,  your 
Excellency  partly  knows.  I went  around  and  urged 
that  the  City  of  Rotterdam  should  be  the  first  to 
please  your  Excellency  in  this  respect.  My  open  at- 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


103 


titude  pleased  your  Excellency.  Every  one  has  since 
then  believed  that  your  Excellency  forgetting  all  pre- 
vious misunderstandings,  would  look  favorably  upon 
me.  I also  believed  it,  and  I do  believe  it  still. 

“Heretofore  it  has  been  alleged  as  if  I had  made 
up  or  helped  to  make  up  ‘de  Weegschael.’  But  I 
am  totally  innocent  of  that  work,  knowing  nothing 
of  it  before  it  was  printed,  and  without  having  con- 
tributed to  it  in  the  least.  It  is  true,  however,  that 
years  ago,  I caused  a copy  of  a letter  written  to  me 
by  Mr.  Casaubon  to  be  handed  to  Taurinus,  as  he 
said  that  it  would  help  him  in  the  writing  of  a book 
concerning  mutual  Toleration.  This  letter  was  in- 
serted in  ‘de  Weegschael’  without  my  knowledge. 
‘De  Reukappel’  and  other  pamphlets,  following 
later,  were  also  written  and  printed  without  my  In- 
stigation, help,  or  knowledge. 

“It  Is  true.  Gracious  Lord,  that  I and  many  others 
with  me,  entrusted  much  to  the  knowledge  of  a cer- 
tain person,  but  a person  who  undoubtedly  has  gov- 
erned well  for  a long  time  and  who  has  been  greatly 
honored  by  your  Excellency  and  others.  My  years 
do  not  allow  me  much  experience.  I have  always 
acted  innocently,  following  the  majority  vote  of  Hol- 
land. Had  these  been  otherwise,  as  apparently 
might  have  happened,  I would,  as  far  as  possible, 
have  followed  them  obediently.  Never  have  I re- 
ceived any  profits  from  the  Chief-Counsellor.  Use- 

23  “De  Weegschael”  = ’’The  Scales.” 

“De  Reukappel”  = “The  Smelling  Apple.” 


104 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


ful  commissions  have  fallen  to  others,  disagreeable 
ones  have  been  my  share.  I hope  that  not  only  the 
citizens  of  Rotterdam,  but  also  others  who  have 
known  me,  will  bear  witness  as  to  my  honest  conduct. 
The  service  of  the  Country  has  not  made  me  richer. 
It  would  have  been  more  profitable  for  me  if  I had 
followed  the  practice  before  the  Court.  My  in- 
comes are  small  and  it  is  easy  to  give  account  of 
them. 

“The  admiration.  Gracious  Lord,  which  I feel  for 
the  far-renowned  honor  and  reputation  of  your  Ex- 
cellency has  always  shown  itself  in  my  Writings,  in 
print  as  well  as  in  manuscript.  I have  omitted  no  oc- 
casion to  show  it,  for  my  heart  was  full  of  it.  Those 
who  have  read  my  Writings,  or  will  read  them  in 
times  to  come,  must  confess  that  I speak  sincerely 
in  this  matter.  From  boyhood  I have  tried  to  enter 
the  personal  service  of  your  Excellency  as  you  will 
apparently  know.  Therefore  I was  sorry  that  the 
direction  of  affairs  in  Holland  did  not  agree  with 
your  Excellency’s  views.  If  the  Chief-Counsellor  of 
Holland  had  remained  with  your  Excellency  on  the 
same  terms  and  in  the  same  favor,  how  happy  I and 
all  my  relatives  should  have  been ! 

“My  inclination  to  serve  the  Country  is  shown  in 
my  Writings,  which  are  read  in  many  places,  and  also 
in  my  deeds,  which  reflect  honor  upon  the  Country. 
It  has  been  my  misfortune  that  my  Lords  and  Mas- 
ters, the  States  of  Holland  (at  least  the  majority  of 
its  members)  have  been  in  discord  with  others. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


105 


What  else  was  I,  but  a poor  Servant  of  the  Lords, 
the  States  of  Holland,  and  the  City  of  Rotterdam? 
God  grant  that  I may  yet  see  that  which  is  now  in 
dispute  within  the  Union,  clarified,  so  that  everyone’s 
heart  may  be  at  rest;  that  the  matters  of  Religion 
may  become  firm  through  the  wisdom  and  modera- 
tion of  foreigners  ( from  whom  I have  high  expecta- 
tions) ; that  the  East  India  Company  may  be  con- 
tinued and  united  with  the  English;  that  the  West 
India  Company  may  be  formed;  that,  in  case  there  is 
within  the  Land  any  correspondence  with  the  enemy, 
the  same  may  be  discovered  and  punished.  This  I 
wish  with  all  my  heart. 

“Noble-born,  Serene  Prince,  Gracious  Lord,  may 
it  please  your  Excellency,  to  consider  graciously  all 
these  matters  and  whatsoever  it  may  please  your 
Princely  goodness  to  add  to  it.  Undoubtedly  many 
private  considerations  are  included  in  this.  There- 
fore I pray  your  Excellency  to  forget  graciously 
whatever  I,  at  the  order  of  superiors,  at  the  advice 
of  wiser  persons,  in  blind  zeal  for  duty,  may  have 
done  wrongly  or  against  the  interests  of  the  Country, 
or  your  Excellency,  and  to  free  me  from  all  shameful 
and  detrimental  proceedings.  Undoubtedly  your 
Excellency  will  be  moved  to  this  not  only  by  my 
youth  and  honest  conduct,  acting  unselfishly  amidst 
these  factions,  but  also  by  my  dear  Wife,  a daughter 
of  an  old  and  well  known  Servant  of  your  Excellency, 
and  also  by  many  honest  persons,  closely  related  to 
her  and  to  me,  from  whom  the  Land  and  your  Ex- 


io6 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


cellency  may  yet  receive  good  services,  and  who,  with 
me,  will  acknowledge  this  in  gratitude  throughout 
their  lives.  Concerning  my  person,  residence,  posi- 
tions and  offices  I gladly  place  them  at  your  Excel- 
lency’s determination,  to  act  in  this  matter  as  your 
Excellency  will  find  most  expedient  for  the  service  of 
the  Country.  I will  continue  to  pray  God  for  the 
welfare  of  the  Country,  the  preservation  of  the  Re- 
ligion, and  the  long  life,  health,  and  prosperous  reign 
of  your  Princely  Excellency. 

“Your  Excellency’s 

“Very  humble  Servant 

“Hugo  de  Groot. 

“13  Sept,  1618. 

“I  pray  your  Excellency  very  humbly,  in  case  you 
may  not  be  completely  satisfied  with  this  letter,  to 
grant  me  the  favor  of  an  interview,  be  it  personal  or 
through  a trustworthy  person,  as  I hope  to  com- 
pletely satisfy  your  Excellency.’’ 

To  this  letter,  Grotius  received  no  reply,  nor  was 
a similar  request  sent  to  the  States-General,  asking 
for  an  interview  with  some  of  its  members,  any  more 
successful. 

Also,  from  the  chamber  of  imprisonment  where 
he  had  become  weak  and  sickly  from  want  of  air,  the 
lower  windows  being  nailed  up  with  boards  while 
the  upper  ones  were  of  stationary  glass, he  had 

25  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  140. 
Later  a window  frame  was  made  to  open,  that  the  air  might  be 
freshened. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


107 

written  to  his  wife.  The  first  letter  she  received  is 
translated  thus : 

‘‘Most  Beloved: 

“That  I have  not  written  to  you  before,  was  be- 
cause it  was  better  so.  Next  to  God  nothing  con- 
soles me  more  than  to  receive  tidings  from  you  fre- 
quently. I am  worried  about  your  health,  especially 
over  the  pain  in  your  side.  I long  to  see  if  every- 
thing is  well  with  the  children,  also  with  my  Father 
and  Mother,  your  Mother  and  other  friends.  My 
sleep  is  satisfactory,  praise  God.  My  stomach  is  a 
little  better  than  before.  God  Almighty,  who  has 
helped  us  with  His  grace  so  far,  will  not  forget  to 
help  and  to  console  us.  Trust  in  Him  and  pray  and 
give  my  regards  to  all  our  friends.  The  21st  Sept., 
1618. 

“Yours  always  faithfully, 

“H.  DE  Groot.” 

And  the  noble  woman  who  had  not  been  allowed 
to  go  to  him  in  his  trouble  and  sickness,*^  and  who 
was  later  to  give  him  his  freedom,  answered  her  dis- 
tressed husband  with  these  words  of  comfort : 

“Most  Beloved: 

“I  have  not  written  to  you  for  some  time  as  I did 
not  know  your  address.  From  William  you  will 

This  letter  is  given  in  the  original  Dutch  in  Brandt’s  “Het 
Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  148. 

27  Ibid.,  Bk.  IV,  p.  140. 

28  These  two  letters  which  follow  came  together.  Ibid.,  Bk. 
IV,  pp.  149-150.  They  are  given  there  in  the  original  Dutch. 

22  Probably  William  de  Groot,  brother  of  Grotius. 


io8 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


have  heard  the  state  of  my  good  health  and  from  de 
Vries,  since  he  has  visited  you,  as  I requested  him 
twice  a day  to  do.  Never  have  I lost  courage  in 
your  and  my  case.  I know  your  character.  I know 
the  conscience  which  you  have  always  shown  in  this 
and  other  matters.  If  you  had  tried  to  gain  profit 
or  honor  from  it,  these  trifles  happening  to  us, 
might  possibly  depress  me.  Now  I am  sure  that 
nothing  will  harm  you.  Your  public  spirit  for  the 
service  of  the  Country,  I think,  is  so  well  known  to 
his  Excellency,  that  he  would  not  like  to  see  any  in- 
jury come  to  you.  It  has  made  me  uneasy  not  to 
have  been  allowed  to  see  you  and  not  to  have  heard 
from  you.  But  I understand  it.  I knew  it  would 
not  be  allowed  before  the  examination.  Now  I 
know  that  to-morrow  or  the  next  day  you  will  be 
heard.  I am  longing  for  this,  firmly  trusting  that 
your  deeds  can  be  defended  with  good  reasons.  I 
also  do  not  doubt  but  that  better  attention  will  be 
paid  to  your  affairs.  Mine  could  also  be  better  at- 
tended to.  All  I wish  is,  that  God  may  grant  you 
health.  Your  good  conscience  gives  you  calmness. 
Do  not  worry  about  me.  I am  very  calm  and  well. 
So  are  also  all  our  friends  and  children.  The  words 
you  spoke  to  me  a few  days  before  we  parted,  I 
often  remember  and  I find  consolation  in  the  fact 
that  those  who  act  well,  do  not  always  fare  well,  but 
that  adversity  is  often  necessary  to  draw  their  hearts 
from  earthly  matters  up  to  Heaven,  and  the  thought 
of  that  gives  me  great  comfort.  I also  pray  you 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


109 


to  remember  the  good  resolution  and  determina- 
tion to  bear  troubles,  which  you  always  have  found 
that  I possess.  Firmly  believe  that  this  is  now  un- 
diminished, Do  not  worry,  for  lack  of  sleep  might 
impair  your  health.  I have  wished  to  write  this  let- 
ter to  you.  I would  have  done  so  before  and  also 
expected  the  same  from  you,  but  I hear  that  letters 
which  you  and  others  write  fall  into  other  hands  and 
circulate  there.  Therefore  I gladly  excuse  you. 
Only  this  I request,  that,  by  means  of  an  open  note, 
you  will  let  me  know  from  time  to  time  how  you  are. 
Farewell  and  do  not  worry  about  me.  Be  undis- 
turbed under  all  circumstances  and,  herewith,  good- 
night.” 

With  this  letter  came  a second,  which  is  trans- 
lated as  follows: 

“Most  Beloved: 

“His  Excellency  travels  to  Leiden,  Haarlem, 
Gouda  and  Rotterdam  to  change  there  also  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Town-Councils  and  the  Magistrates.  As 
soon  as  the  redress  shall  have  taken  place  there,  I 
think  it  certain  that  your  case  will  proceed.  You 
must  have  patience  for  two  weeks.  I need  not  rec- 
ommend calmness  to  you,  for  you  know  your  own 
affairs  better  than  I do,  but,  like  all  others  who  are 
familiar  with  you  and  your  deeds,  I know  that  we 
need  not  fear  on  your  behalf.  I have  always  been 
sure  of  that,  and,  from  the  beginning,  even  before 


I lO 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


the  matters  had  been  cleared  up  by  time,  I have 
shown  it  in  all  my  words  and  deeds.  Your  good 
conscience,  and  the  talks  we  lately  had  together,  give 
me  full  assurance.  Everyone  will,  at  the  proper 
time,  bear  witness  to  my  determination.  I write 
about  that  now  myself,  so  that  you,  knowing  it,  may 
be  completely  calm;  for  I^know  that  worry  about 
me  is  your  only  trouble.  Only  one  thing  surprises 
me,  namely,  that  some  persons  seem  inclined  to  say 
that  you  have  intimated  to  one  of  the  gentlemen,  an 
inclination  to  uncover  an  important  matter  of  great 
consequence  to  the  Country,  but  that  you  first  wish 
to  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  his  Excellency. 
I would  not  believe  it,  nor  do  I believe  it  now,  for 
surely  I know,  as  you  have  often  told  me,  that  you 
had  no  secrets,  and  I see  no  reason  why  you  should 
need  anyone’s  protection.  Nobody,  therefore,  will 
believe  it.  Nevertheless,  I wish  to  write  this  to  you 
so  that  I may  have  firmer  foundation  to  contradict 
such  talk.  Let  me  have  a simple  ‘yes’  or  ‘no’  by 
this  messenger.  Study  quietly  and  be  careful  of 
your  health.  Have  still  a few  days  patience  for  the 
Chief-Counsellor  has  not  yet  been  heard.  This 
19th  October,  at  eleven  o’clock  at  night,  1618. 

“Maria  van  Reigersbergen.” 

Soon  after  the  appointment  of  the  judges,  Gro- 
tius’  first  examination  took  place.  Brandt  declares 
that  this  was  conducted  “without  evidence  from  any- 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


III 


one  from  the  Province  of  Holland.”  The  injus- 
tice of  the  proceedings  disturbed  the  fair  mind  of 
Grotius,  who  declared,  “that,  since  he  had  been  born 
in  Holland,  had  been  a servant  of  the  Province  of 
Holland,  and  had  been  taken  prisoner  within  Hol- 
land he  knew  no  judges  than  of  Holland.”  But 
the  proceedings  went  on,  unchecked  by  any  pressure 
the  prisoners  could  bring  to  bear  from  within  or 
without  their  prison. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  September  29th,  Leden- 
berg,  the  Secretary  of  Utrecht,  who  had  met  Grotius 
and  the  others  of  the  deputation  from  Holland  to 
Utrecht  on  the  25th  of  July,  and  had  been  arrested 
soon  after  Grotius,  stabbed  himself  in  the  abdomen 
and  cut  his  throat,  leaving  with  his  eighteen  year  old 
son,  Joost,  a French  paper,  which  the  boy  could  not 
read,  containing  the  following:  “I  know  that  there 
is  an  inclination  to  set  an  example  in  my  person,  to 
confront  me  with  my  best  friends,  to  torture  me, 
afterwards  to  convict  me  of  contradictions  and  false- 
hoods as  they  say,  and  then  to  found  an  ignominious 
sentence  upon  points  and  trifles,  for  this  it  will  be 
necessary  to  do  in  order  to  justify  the  arrest  and  im- 
prisonment. To  escape  all  this  I am  going  to  God 
by  the  shortest  road.  Against  a dead  man  there  can 
be  pronounced  no  sentence  of  confiscation  of  prop- 
erty. Done  17th  September  (o.  s.)  1618.”  Lit- 

30  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  151. 

31  Ihid.,  Bk.  IV,  p.  151. 

33  Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  p.  302. 


I 12 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tie  had  the  Secretary  thought  that,  while  he  was 
acting  as  a means  of  communication  between  the  As- 
semblies of  Holland  and  Utrecht,  he  was  commit- 
ting acts  which  would  later  be  construed  as  high 
treason. 

“The  corpse  of  Gillis  van  Ledenberg,  Secretary 
of  the  States  of  Utrecht  (who  had  committed  suicide 
from  melancholy  in  the  dungeon)  was  condemned 
by  sentence  to  be  drawn  on  a car  of  infamy  to  the 
place  of  execution  outside  The  Hague  and  hung  up 
with  the  coffin  on  a half  gibbet.”  The  judges 
were  certainly  in  a delightful  frame  of  mind  to  re- 
ceive the  other  prisoners ! 

During  the  winter  of  1618-19  Grotius  spent  many 
hours  at  his  writing,  thereby  deriving  pleasure  and 
withdrawing  himself  to  some  extent  from  his  grim 
surroundings.  Among  other  Dutch  poems  which  he 
produced  in  the  spring  of  1619,  were  some  verses 
entitled,  “A  short  instruction  for  the  baptised  chil- 
dren,” consisting  of  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
questions  and  answers  in  rhyme,  each  one  not  longer 
than  one  line,  which  he  sent  to  his  wife  with  the  fol- 
lowing letter : 

“Dearest: 

“I  send  you  the  Dutch  verses  for  our  Cornelia. 
They  resemble  my  imprisonment.  They  have  be- 
come longer  than  I first  thought.  You  and  Grand- 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  197,  foot- 
note. The  sentence  was  not  pronounced  until  May  ISth,  1619, 
seven  and  a half  months  later. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


113 

father  must  explain  them  to  Cornelia,  as  I cannot  do 
it.  Be  herewith  recommended  to  God. 

“Your  loving  ever  faithful, 

“H.  DE  Groot.” 

But  great  events  were  soon  to  happen.  On  the 
7th  of  March,  1619,  Barneveld’s  trial  began.®® 
The  old  man,  now  seventy-two  years  of  age,  bent 
with  the  cares  of  the  Republic,  had  been  confined  for 
six  months,  during  which  he  had  constructed  from 
his  own  brain  the  defense  with  which  he  was  to  meet 
the  judges,  judges  who  had  access  to  papers,  docu- 
ments and  libraries.  The  trial  was  a violation  of 
the  laws  of  Holland  which  required  that  accusation 
should  follow  within  six  weeks  of  arrest  or  the  pris- 
oner should  be  freed.®®  No  charge  had  been 
brought  against  him  in  the  six  months  of  elapsed 
time,  yet  the  trial  went  on.  For  the  seventeenth  of 
April,  the  States-General  proclaimed  a public  fast 
and  humiliation,®^  and  on  a Sunday  afternoon,  the 
1 2th  of  May,  1619,  the  prosecuting  officers  of  the 
government,  Sylla  and  van  Leeuwen,  accompanied 
by  provost-marshal  de  Nijs,  entered  his  chamber  to 
inform  him  that  he  was  to  appear  before  the  judges 
the  next  morning  to  hear  his  sentence  of  death.^^ 
During  the  night  he  was  unable  to  sleep,  and  he 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IV,  p.  192. 

35  Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  p.  311. 

3®  Motley’s  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  p.  313,  quoting  Char- 
ter of  Holland  of  the  year  1346. 

37  Ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  351. 

33  Ibid.,  vol.  II,  pp.  360,  361,  362. 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


114 

asked  the  clergyman  Hugo  Bayerus,  who  had  been 
summoned,  “whether  his  Grotius  was  to  die  and 
Hoogerbeets  also.”  When  the  minister  replied 
that  he  knew  nothing,  the  aged  advocate  continued, 
“I  should  most  deeply  grieve  that  these  men  must 
go.  They  may  yet  live  to  do  the  land  great  service. 
That  great  rising  light,  de  Groot,  is  still  young,  but 
a very  learned  and  wise  gentleman,  devoted  to  his 
Fatherland  with  all  zeal,  heart,  and  soul,  and  ready 
to  protect  her  privileges,  laws,  and  rights.  I know 
well  that  these  gentlemen  have  not  done  other  than 
their  commissions  which  they  have  received  from 
their  Lords  and  Masters,  the  Magistrates  of  Leiden 
and  Rotterdam.  As  for  myself,  I am  old  and  ex- 
hausted, and  can  do  no  more.  I have  already  done 
more  than  I was  really  able  to  do.  I have  worked 
so  zealously  in  public  matters  that  I have  neglected 
my  private  business.  I had  expressly  ordered  my 
house  at  Loosduinen  to  be  got  ready,  that  I might 
establish  myself  there  and  put  my  affairs  in  order. 
I have  repeatedly  asked  the  States  of  Holland  for 
my  discharge,  but  could  never  obtain  it.  It  seems 
that  the  Almighty  had  otherwise  disposed  of  me.” 

Boissise  had  left  the  country,  but  the  French  Am- 
bassador, du  Maurier,  had  heard  early  on  the  morn- 
ing of  Monday  the  13th,  that  sentence  of  death  was 
to  be  passed  that  day.  He  immediately  hurried  to 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  pp.  195, 
196;  “Het  Leven  van  Oldenbarneveldt,”  pp.  567,  415;  De  Burig- 
n/s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  102,  103 ; Motle/s  “John  of  Bar- 
neveld,”  vol.  II,  pp.  373,  374. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


115 

the  Assembly  of  the  States-General  to  get  execution 
suspended,  but  he  was  refused  an  audience,  and  a 
letter  of  earnest  appeal  had  no  more  effect/® 

In  front  of  the  ancient  hall,  within  the  Binnenhof 
and  opposite  the  Prince’s  apartments,  the  scaffold 
was  erected.  The  court  to-day  Is  never  crowded 
except  on  state  occasions,  but  on  that  May  morning 
of  1619  more  than  three  thousand  persons  filled  its 
confines.  The  last  words  of  the  great  statesman 
fell  upon  this  multitude — “Burghers,  I have  been 
throughout  my  life  your  compatriot,  believe  not  that 
I die  for  treason,  but  for  the  maintenance  of  the  lib- 
erty and  the  laws  of  the  Country.”  “ The  execu- 
tioner then  struck  off  his  head. 

The  white  swans  still  swim  on  the  beautiful  minia- 
ture lake  beside  the  Binnenhof,  unmindful  of  the 
tragedy  enacted  there  nearly  three  hundred  years 
ago,  but  the  memory  of  the  event  has  not  grown  dim. 
If  ever  a crime  was  committed  by  a state.  It  was  the 
execution  of  John  of  Barneveld  on  that  bright  May 
morning,  after  he  had  given  his  whole  life  to  the 
faithful  service  of  his  country. 

On  the  day  of  the  execution,  the  following  procla- 
mation of  the  States  appeared : 

‘^The  XIII  May,  1619. 

“Here  in  The  Hague  on  a scaffold,  erected  for 
that  purpose  in  the  Inner  court  before  the  steps  of  the 

*0  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  102. 

« Ibid.,  Bk.  1,  p.  103. 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


1 16 

great  room,  was  executed  with  the  sword  John  of 
Barneveld,  in  his  life,  Knight,  Lord  of  Berkel,  Rod- 
enrys,  etc.,  Chief-Counsellor  of  the  Land  of  Holland 
and  West  Friesland  for  the  reasons  expressed  in  the 
sentence  and  others,  with  confiscation  of  goods,  after 
he  had  served  the  same  State  for  thirty-three  years, 
two  months  and  five  days,  being  commissioned 
thereto  March  8th,  1586.  A man  of  great  deeds, 
industry,  memory  and  administrative  ability,  yea 
singular  In  all. 

“He  who  stands,  see  to  It  that  he  does  not  fall. 
And  may  the  Lord  be  gracious  to  his  soul. 
Amen.” 

Grotius  himself  tells  us  that,  on  the  morning 
of  the  13th  of  May,  while  still  In  bed,  he  heard  the 
sentence  pronounced  against  the  Chief-Counsellor, 
and  though  he  understood  that  It  meant  condemna- 
tion to  death,  still  he  could  not  think  that  it  would 
be  carried  out.  But  the  great  dejection  of  Captain 
van  der  Meulen,  who  at  that  hour  came  to  his  room, 
made  him  fearful  of  consequences. 

The  boy  whom  Barneveld  had  taken  to  France 
with  him  must  have  made  a deep  impression  on  the 
Advocate’s  heart,  for,  a few  hours  before  his  deaths 
he  instructed  the  clergymen  Bayerus  and  La  Motte, 
“Say  good-bye  to  the  good  Grotius  for  me  and  tell 
him  I must  die.” 

*2  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  195, 
from  the  resolutions  of  the  States  of  Holland,  May  13th,  1619. 

In  some  memoirs,  Brandt,  ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  195. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,’’  Bk.  V,  p.  196. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


117 

Meanwhile,  Grotius  lingered  in  anxiety,  hearing 
also  the  sentence  passed  against  the  dead  body  of 
Ledenberg/®  At  this  time,  his  wife  sent  him  a 
short,  open  note,  exhorting  him  “not  to  be  troubled 
with  such  things,  but  to  trust  in  God  and  his  con- 
science.” A little  later  he  received  from  van  der 
Meulen,  a pen,  ink,  and  a little  paper,  with  the  mes- 
sage that  his  wife  desired  an  answer  to  her  letter; 
whereupon  he  hastily  wrote  a few  lines,  “that  he  had 
resolved  himself  with  God’s  help  to  all  things,  that 
for  eight  months  he  had  longed  to  see  her,  and  he 
should  be  overjoyed  when  it  should  happen.” 

The  scaffold  on  which  Barneveld  was  executed 
was  allowed  to  stand  for  six  days  after  his  death, 
and  the  three  executioners  were  kept  in  the  Hague, 
for  the  express  purpose,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  of 
moving  the  prisoners’  wives  and  friends  to  ask  for 
pardon.  “In  particular  men  of  authority  tried  to 
counsel  the  wife  of  Grotius  to  do  this,  and  chose 
various  friends  for  this  purpose,  among  others  Mr. 
Vosbergen,  who  accosted  her  with  all  kinds  of  pleas- 
ing advices,  and  assured  her  of  the  favor  of  his  Ex- 
cellency in  this  case.  But  she,  being  of  a quiet  na- 
ture, threw  this  advice  aside,  with  these  words,  ‘I 
shall  not  do  it;  and  if  he  has  deserved  it,  let  them 
behead  him.’  Yet  she  did  not  sit  still,  but  went  her- 
self, on  the  1 6th  of  this  month  to  speak  with  his  Ex- 

This  occurred  two  days  after  the  execution  of  Barneveld, 
ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  196.  Ledenberg’s  scheme  to  preserve  his  property 
for  his  children  was  thwarted  by  this  judgment,  for  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  be  hanged  and  his  property  confiscated. 

« Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  196. 


ii8 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


cellency.  However,  he  gave  her  no  hope,  answer- 
ing, ‘that  one  must  take  the  way  of  pardon  or  of 
law.’  ” 

Yet,  as  events  will  show,  no  woman  could  have 
been  more  devoted  to  her  husband  than  Maria  van 
Reigersbergen  was  to  Grotius.  She  was  a woman 
cast  in  Spartan  mold. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  Saturday  the  i8th  of 
May,  1619,^®  Fiscal  Sylla  entered  the  chamber  of 
Grotius.  Standing  before  the  prisoner  he  informed 
him,  “that  he  was  sorry,  because  of  the  old  acquaint- 
ance, that  he  had  to  bring  him  such  news,  but  he 
would  have  to  come  before  the  judges,  and  there 
hear  what  should  be  read  to  him:  that  he  had  no 
order  to  say  what  his  sentence  contained,’’  adding, 
“I  suppose  you  have  well  understood  that  of  the 
Chief-Counsellor.”  To  which  Grotius  answered, 
“I  have  heard  the  sentence  pronounced  upon  the 
Advocate,  as  well  as  upon  Ledenberg,  and  have  pa- 
tience to  bear  whatever  may  befall  me.” 

About  ten  o’clock  he  was  led  before  the  judges 
by  Provost  Nijs,  where  his  sentence  was  read  to  him 
by  the  Master  of  Rolls,  Pots.  It  is  unnecessary 
here  to  give  the  judgment  in  full.  It  occupies  nine 

Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  196. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  197 ; 
Motley,  p.  398  of  “John  of  Barneveld,”  vol.  II,  falls  into  the  same 
mistake  that  Brandt,  Bk.  V,  p.  197,  made,  when  he  says,  “the 
18th  May,  1619,  on  the  fifty-first  anniversary,  as  Grotius  re- 
marked, of  the  condemnation  of  Egmont  and  Hoorn  by  the  Blood 
Tribunal '.of  Alva.”  Egmont  and  Hoorn  were  sentenced  on  the 
2nd  of  June,  1568,  and  executed  three  days  later,  June  Sth. 
Johnson’s  “Europe  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  1494-1598,”  p.  335. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  197. 


ARREST  AND  TRIAL 


119 

very  large,  closely  printed  pages,®®  and  condemned 
Grotius  and  Hoogerbeets  to  perpetual  imprison- 
ment, declaring  their  estates  forfeited. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  defense  of  Grotius  was 
a betrayal  of  Barneveld.  I can  find  no  foundation 
for  this  statement,  but  if  he  shows  more  selfishness 
than  Barneveld  in  his  defense,  it  is  well  to  remember 
that  the  accusations  against  the  Advocate  must  have 
been  much  distorted  before  they  reached  Grotius, 
and  also  that  Barneveld  was  an  old  man  whose  life 
had  run,  while  Grotius’  greatest  work  remained  to 
be  done.  The  fact  that  he  had  refused  to  publish 
his  “De  Jure  Praedae”  as  unworthy,  shows  perhaps 
that  he  was  then  thinking  of  and  forming  in  his  mind 
the  great  masterpiece  of  International  Law  still  to 
be  written. 

To  say  that  the  judgment  against  Grotius  had  no 
legal  value  would  be  much  too  mild.  There  had 
been  no  indictment,  no  witnesses,  no  counsel,  no  ar- 
gument. After  the  first  examination,  paper  and  ink 
were  taken  from  him,  and  when  he  asked  permission 
to  write  his  defense,  he  was  allowed  five  hours  and 
one  sheet  of  paper.®^  The  arrest  itself  was  illegal. 
Grotius,  an  officer  of  the  States  of  Holland  had  been 
arrested  on  his  way  to  a meeting  of  the  States  of 
Holland,  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duty.  He 
was  within  the  house  of  the  States  of  Holland.  In 
no  way  did  he  come  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
so  Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  pp.  197-206. 

SI  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  107 ; authority, 
Apologium,  c.  13. 


120 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


States-General,  yet  eight  persons,  calling  themselves 
the  States-General,  had  ordered  the  arrest.  Born 
in  Holland,  a Servant  of  the  State  of  Holland,  ar- 
rested in  Holland,  he  was  entitled  to  a trial  by  Hol- 
land judges,  not  by  men  of  all  the  Provinces,  many 
of  them  ignorant  of  the  law. 

When  the  dreadful  sentence  of  life  imprisonment 
with  confiscation  of  goods  was  imposed  upon  him, 
Grotius,  although  his  fame  as  a genius  had  spread 
throughout  Europe,  was  only  thirty-six  years  of  age. 
At  this  time,  as  throughout  his  life,  he  was  in  appear- 
ance singularly  handsome.  His  features  were  finely 
chiseled,  his  nose  slightly  aquiline,  his  eyes  blue  and 
sparkling,  his  hair  brown.  His  person  was  tall  and 
well  formed.  Active  both  in  mind  and  in  body,  his 
career  seemed  to  be  prematurely  and  suddenly 
ended.  The  judges,  while  omitting  to  state  that  he 
was  to  be  tried  for  high  treason,  found  him  guilty 
of  all  the  things  that  constituted  the  crime,  and  then, 
discovering  their  mistake  a year  later,  declared, 
without  a retrial,  that  they  had  intended  to  try  him 
for  high  treason  also. 


CHAPTER  VI 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE 

Grotius  is  transported  to  Loevestein — His  literary  work  there 
— His  escape. 

On  the  5th  of  June  (1619),  Grotius  rendered 
into  Dutch  verse  an  enlargement  of  the  Lord’s 
Prayer.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  received 
information  that  he  was  to  be  transported  to  Loeve- 
stein that  very  night.^ 

The  journey  began  between  eleven  and  twelve 
o’clock.  His  faithful  and  loving  wife,  ready  to 
share  her  husband’s  misfortunes  as  she  had  shared 
his  prosperity,  asked  permission  to  accompany  her 
husband,  but  was  refused.  Also  his  brother,  who 
sought  to  accompany  him  in  place  of  his  servant, 
was  denied  the  privilege;  and  he  set  out  for  the 
prison  alone. 

The  midnight  procession  proceeded,  with  de 
Groot  and  Hoogerbeets  “seated  on  separate 
wagons,’’  under  the  escort  of  Captain  van  der  Meu- 
len  and  many  soldiers  of  the  guard,  to  Delfshaven. 

1 Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  210. 

Note — This  date,  June  Sth,  1619,  was  undoubtedly  that  which 
Brandt  and  Motley  had  in  mind  when  they  spoke  of  the  fifty-first 
anniversary  of  the  condemnation  of  Egmont  and  Hoorn.  As  be- 
fore noted,  they  were  executed  June  Sth,  1568. 


122 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Arriving  at  this  town,  and  the  tide  not  yet  being 
suitable,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  rest  there,  the 
prisoners  meanwhile  being  placed  aboard  the  ship 
which  was  to  convey  them  to  their  prison.  There 
they  sat  together,  the  soldiers  round  about  them. 

Setting  sail,  the  party  proceeded  slowly  under  the 
early  morning  breeze  to  Dordrecht,  where  Captain 
van  der  Meulen  went  ashore;  and,  upon  his  return 
to  the  boat,  they  set  out  for  Gorcum,  only  a short 
way  from  the  fortress  of  Loevestein.  The  people 
of  the  towns  along  the  route  were  evidently  inter- 
ested in  the  men  who  had  played  such  prominent 
parts  in  the  country’s  history,  for,  “at  Papendrecht, 
the  prisoners  had  many  curious  spectators,  but  at 
Gorcum  and  from  there  to  Loevestein  many  more.”  * 
Thus  Grotius  and  Hoogerbeets  came,  on  the  evening 
of  the  6th  of  June,  to  the  grim  structure  decreed  to 
be  their  only  home  as  long  as  they  should  live. 

Situated  on  the  narrow  point  of  land  “where 
Meuse  and  Waal  meet”  to  flow  on  together  to  the 
sea,  this  fortress  must  truly  have  been  a tower  of 
strength  in  the  days  of  its  youth.  Surrounded  by 
water  on  three  sides,  and  strong  walls  on  the  fourth, 
the  castle  is  further  protected  by  inner  walls  and  a 
double  moat. 

I first  saw  Loevestein  late  in  the  afternoon  of  a 
windy,  cloudy  day.  The  tall  trees  which  line  the 
inside  of  the  fortress  walls  all  bent  as  one  under  the 
force  of  the  wind;  only  Loevestein  stood  impassive, 

2 Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  210. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  123 


defying  man  and  nature  as  it  has  for  over  a thousand 
years.  The  clouds  raced  across  the  skies,  giving  to 
the  whole  place  a sad  and  desolate  aspect. 

Outside  the  walls,  which  are  of  brick  and  mortar 
with  earthen  embankments,  runs  the  outer  moat,  a 
wide,  deep  ditch;  and  by  means  of  a bridge,  which 
was  originally  a draw-bridge,  one  enters  the  fortress 
through  an  arched  tower. 

Inside  the  outer  walls,  two  rows  of  low  buildings 
extend  themselves ; those  on  the  left  now  unoccupied 
except  by  the  sergeant-major  and  his  family,  and  the 
woman  who  exhibits  the  castle  and  guards  it  from 
artists’  sketch  books ; those  on  the  right  plainly  bar- 
racks, long  unused  and  unoccupied.  Curving  to  the 
right  the  broad  street  between  these  buildings  leads 
over  another  bridge  to  the  entrance  gate  of  the 
castle,  said  to  have  been  built  by  the  Normans  about 
A.  D.  836,  when  this  adventurous  band  passed 
through  the  Low  Countries  and  up  the  Rhine,  burn- 
ing towns  and  building  castles,  better  to  enable  them 
to  exact  the  tribute  they  demanded  from  the  inhabi- 
tants of  these  districts.  The  style  of  architecture 
goes  far  to  support  this  theory  of  the  building  of 
Loevestein.® 

After  the  Normans  had  passed  on  into  another 
history,  the  castle  came  into  the  hands  of  Gerard  van 
Hoorn,  one  of  the  Lords  of  Altona,  who  called  the 
fortress  Loevestein  after  his  wife,  Johanna  van  Leu- 
ven or  Louvain.  However,  some  authors  contend 

3 See  “Loevestein,”  by  P.  J.  Verlee. 


124 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


that  the  name  came  from  “loeven,”  that  is,  to  luff, 
since  vessels  had  to  luff  there  to  pay  toll,  while  others 
declare  the  name  originally  to  have  been  “Leeuwen- 
stein”  or  Lionstone,  since  this  name  was  chiseled  in 
the  huge  tombstone  which  formerly  laid  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  front  court,  and  on  which  the  persons  con- 
demned to  death  were  executed. 

Across  the  inner  moat  and  through  the  massive 
gate  tower,  one  passes  into  the  inner  court,  where 
he  becomes  distinctly  aware  of  the  firing  slits  of  the 
castle  which  center  upon  him.  The  walls  here  are 
two  yards  in  thickness,  and  two  secret  stairways, 
within  the  walls,  are  still  preserved.  On  the  right 
and  left  of  the  gate,  two  towers  with  octagonal  spires 
rise,  respectively  called  the  “Waaltoren”  and  the 
“Maastoren.” 

Up  a few  steps  and  through  a doorway,  one  finds 
himself  in  a huge  hall,  used  in  the  different  centuries 
for  feasts,  festivals,  and  the  more  serious  pronun- 
ciation of  sentences.  On  up  a stone  staircase  we 
reach  the  second  floor  and  the  rooms,  already  pre- 
pared for  him,  to  which  Grotius  was  led  on  the  eve- 
ning of  June  6th,  1619.^ 

The  States-General  now  permitted  the  wives  of 
the  two  prisoners  to  follow  their  husbands,  and  ac- 
cordingly, Madame  de  Groot  and  her  children  ® 
came  to  Loevestein,  where  the  family  was  allowed 
* Apologium,  c.  18. 

® Cornells,  born  Feb.  2nd.  1613,  at  The  Hague ; Diederik,  born 
Oct.  10th,  1618,  at  Rotterdam;  and  their  daughter,  Cornelia,  were 
with  their  parents.  Perhaps  Pieter,  born  March  28th,  1615,  was 
also  there. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  125 


two  rooms,  which  faced  west  and  north,  overlook- 
ing the  Waal. 

The  plan  of  the  quarters  of  the  de  Groot  family, 
roughly  drawn,  was  this: 


Arrow  indicates  concealed  stairway  in  wall. 

B — Fire  place. 

C — Door. 

D — Steps  leading  down  from  larger  room  to  smaller. 

W — Windows. 

From  the  center  of  the  larger  room,  one  can  see,  through  window  W', 
to  Gorcum,  almost  due  west.  The  Waal  can  be  seen  from  window 
W*.  which  faces  the  north. 

Two  days  after  the  arrival  of  Grotius  at  Loeve- 
stein,  the  States-General  passed  the  following  reso- 
lution ® instructing  the  commander  of  the  fortress 
upon  the  care  and  treatment  of  the  prisoners : 

“The  fore-mentioned  Commander  shall  take  care 
that  both  the  prisoners  shall  not  have  communica- 
tion with  each  other,  but  that  they  remain  in  their 
respective  rooms,  as  it  is  ordered. 

® From  the  resolutions  of  the  States-General  of  June  8th,  1619. 
Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,  Bk.  V,  p.  211. 


126 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


“The  wives  may  cook  in  the  kitchen  which  shall 
be  shown  to  them  by  the  Commander. 

“The  maid  is  permitted  to  take  the  food  upstairs 
and  remove  the  dishes,  on  condition  that  she  shall 
be  let  in  and  out  by  the  Commander. 

“The  wives  may  travel  to  Worcum  or  Gorcum, 
in  order  to  buy  all  necessities  for  housekeeping,  and 
returning,  the  Commander  shall  allow  them  to  go 
again  to  their  husbands,  provided  the  doors  are 
locked  after  them. 

“No  other  person  shall  be  allowed  near  these  pris- 
oners as  is  commanded. 

“To  each  of  the  fore-named  prisoners  is  allowed 
to  their  wives  for  these  things  twenty-four  stuivers 
a day  [forty-eight  cents  American  money]. 

“This  is  done  in  the  Assembly  of  the  high-men- 
tioned Lords,  the  States-General,  in  the  Hague,  on 
the  8th  of  June,  1619. 

“By  order  of  the  States-General, 

“C.  Aerssens.” 

However,  the  promised  liberty  which  Madame  de 
Groot  had  hoped  to  enjoy  was  destined  to  be  short- 
lived, for  on  the  22nd  of  the  same  month  the  States- 
General  sent  a letter  to  the  Commander  of  the 
prison,  wherein  they  forbade  the  wives  of  the  pris- 
oners the  right  freely  to  come  and  go  saying,  “that 
they  might  remain  shut  up  with  their  husbands  as 
long  as  they  wished,  but  could  not  leave  them  with- 
out express  consent.” 

’ Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  212. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  127 


From  the  outset  the  Commander  of  Loevestein, 
Lieutenant  Jacob  Prounink,  called  Deventer,®  seems 
to  have  made  a special  effort  to  be  as  disagreeable 
to  the  prisoners  as  possible.  The  reason  for  this 
attitude  of  Deventer  is  quite  evident.  Had  he  not 
sworn  revenge  against  those  who  had  caused  the 
downfall  of  his  father  in  his  support  of  the  Earl  of 
Leicester?  Was  not  Grotius  a member  now  of  the 
party  which  had  brought  this  about?  Yet  the  at- 
tempt of  the  Commander  to  make  the  family  live 
upon  their  daily  allowance  of  forty-eight  cents  was 
unsuccessful,  Madame  de  Groot  declaring  that  she 
had  enough  money  of  her  own  to  support  her  hus- 
band. 

The  body  of  Grotius  was  now  immured  within 
stone  and  iron,  but  his  mind  knew  no  such  limita- 
tions. This  could  not  be  so  confined.  Here  in 
prison,  where  his  own  father  was  denied  permission 
to  see  him,  he  continued  his  development.  Realiz- 
ing that  the  mind  cannot  reach  its  highest  efficiency 
without  bodily  health,  he  dally  whipped  a huge  top  -f 
for  exercise,  “a  custom  which  he  later  often  pre- 
served.” ® An  old  print  of  the  study  of  Grotius  at 
Loevestein  shows  this  top  and  whip  lying  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  floor. 

The  intellectual  activity  of  Grotius  went  steadily 
on.  Imprisonment  indeed  brought  to  him  a tran- 

From  a letter  of  the  States-General  to  the  Commander,  the  22nd 
of  June,  1619. 

8 Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  212. 

8 Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  235. 


128 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


quillity  which  he  had  not  known  for  many  years,  and 
study  and  writing  became  both  pastime  and  conso- 
lation. From  his  pen  at  Loevestein  came  a Latin 
essay,  begun  in  The  Hague,  on  the  means  of  ending 
the  disputes  then  raging,  arguing  for  mutual  tolera- 
tion on  unessential  points.  He  also  devoted  much 
time  to  the  study  of  law  and  moral  philosophy,  and 
to  the  translation  of  Greek  and  Latin  tragic  authors 
in  the  original  metre.  On  the  15th  of  December, 
1619,  he  wrote  to  Vossius  that  the  Muses  were  the 
gratification  and  consolation  of  his  life,^“  but  he  soon 
fell  ill  and  was  forced  to  discontinue  his  work  for 
a time.  It  was  not  long  however,  before  he  re- 
sumed his  labors,  working  now  on  that  great  master- 
piece, “The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,”  which 
was  first  written  in  Dutch  but  was  later  rewritten  in 
Latin.  Many  years  have  passed  since  Grotius,  from 
the  ancient  fortress  of  Loevestein,  gave  to  the  world 
this  message.  But  the  world  has  not  forgotten  it, 
for  this  work  has  been  translated  into  English, 
French,  German,  Swedish,  Danish,  Flemish,  Greek, 
Chinese,  Malay,  Persian,  and  Arabic. 

In  the  field  of  law,  Grotius  produced  the  “Intro- 
duction to  the  Jurisprudence  of  Holland,”  a book 
which  immediately  became  an  authority;  while  in 
the  realm  of  philosophy  and  poetry,  he  enriched  an 
edition  of  Seneca’s  tragedies  by  Vossius  with  valu- 
able notes,  translated  the  “Phoenissae”  of  Euri- 
pides, composed  a catechism  for  his  son  and  daugh- 

10  De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  119. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  129 


ter,  respectively  in  Latin  and  Dutch  verses,  and 
wrote  a dialogue  between  a father  and  son  on  the 
necessity  of  silenced^  In  this  way  two  summers  and 
two  winters  passed  by.  The  genius  of  Grotius  had 
laughed  at  iron  bars,  and  had  thwarted  the  evil  in- 
tentions of  States  and  judges,  who  had  been  guilty 
of  a far  greater  crime  than  he  had  ever  committed 
when  they  sent  this  “miracle  of  Holland”  to  per- 
petual imprisonment  in  Loevestein. 

Meanwhile,  the  wife  of  Hoogerbeets,  declining 
under  the  closeness  of  her  imprisonment,  had  died 
in  Loevestein  after  a sickness  of  twenty  weeks.  Her 
death  occurred  on  the  19th  of  October,  1620,  and 
imposed  the  care  of  six  children  upon  her  husband.^^ 
Grotius’  wife  asked  permission  to  attend  the  dying 
woman,  but  this  was  refused  her,  as  was  also  the  care 
of  the  children  after  their  mother’s  death. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1621,  Francis  Aers- 
sens.  Lord  of  Sommelsdyk,  and  Gideon  van  Boetse- 
laer.  Lord  of  Langerak,  were  appointed  as  special 
Ambassadors  to  Paris.  The  appointment  of  Aers- 
sens,  a bitter  enemy  of  Grotius  and  Barneveld, 
caused  Grotius  much  apprehension,  lest  Aerssens 
might  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  injure 
the  former’s  reputation  in  France.  In  consequence 
we  find  Grotius  writing  to  the  French  Ambassador, 
du  Maurier,  and  to  his  brother-in-law  Nicholas 
Reigersberg,  in  an  effort  to  counteract  the  influence 

De  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  119-122. 

12  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  231. 


130 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


of  Aerssens  by  defensive  arguments. “ Nor  was  this 
the  only  incident  that  disturbed  the  monotony  of 
prison  life.  On  the  iith  of  January,  1621,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  States-General,  Hugo  Muis  van 
Holy,  who  had  been  one  of  Grotius’  judges,  inti- 
mated that  the  prisoner  had  attempted  to  escape  by 
means  of  some  rope  which  Madame  de  Groot  was 
declared  to  have  bought  and  brought  to  Loevestein. 
A search  of  the  castle,  however,  established  nothing 
but  the  malice  of  the  judge  whose  accusation  caused 
Grotius  to  write  a remonstrance,  which  was  pre- 
sented in  the  name  of  his  friends  to  the  States-Gen- 
eral on  the  sixth  of  March,  condemning  these  false 
reports  as  malicious  lies.^* 

In  the  town  of  Gorcum,  approximately  a mile  and 
three  quarters  down  the  Waal  from  Loevestein, 
there  lived  at  this  time  a merchant,  Adrian  Daatse- 
laer,  who  had  married  the  sister  of  Thomas  Erpen- 
ius,  a specialist  in  Oriental  languages.  When  Gro- 
tius was  permitted  to  use  the  books  of  his  friends, 
the  house  of  Daatselaer  had  always  been  used  as  the 
place  to  and  from  which  they  were  sent  to  the  for- 
tress, for  Erpenius  had,  with  Vossius  and  Scriverius 
and  other  friends,  placed  his  library  at  Grotius’  dis- 
posal. Here  in  the  house  of  the  ribbon  and  thread 
merchant,  Daatselaer,  who  exported  goods  to  Eng- 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  239. 
These  letters  were  written  by  Grotius,  January  15th,  1621.  Du 
Maurier  had  lost  his  wife  on  the  12th  of  November  of  the  past 
year,  in  her  35th  year.  Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  p.  241. 

^*Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  pp.  240-241. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  13 1 

land,  the  wives  of  Grotius  and  Hoogerbeets  on  their 
visits  to  Gorcum,  which  they  were  now  allowed  to 
make  twice  a week,^®  formed  with  Madame  Daatse- 
laer  an  intimate  friendship. 

The  books  which  thus  passed  through  Gorcum 
were  sent  in  a large  chest  or  trunk  which  Madame 
de  Groot  was  accustomed  to  accompany  to  and  from 
Loevestein.  Little  did  the  States  opine  that  this 
chest  was  soon  to  bear  an  even  more  precious  bur- 
den to  freedom.  For  a long  while  Grotius  had 
sought  a means  of  escape  from  the  fortress,  but  the 
double  moat,  and  the  many  guards,  doors  and  walls, 
were  enough  to  discourage  every  effort.  The  ele- 
ment of  time  was  important.  If,  as  seemed  to  be 
probable,  the  war  with  Spain  should  be  renewed,  the 
guard  of  the  castle  would  be  increased,  and  access 
to  Brabant,  the  only  refuge  for  Grotius,  would  be 
cut  off.  Action  would  have  to  be  taken  soon  if  it 
was  to  be  successful. 

The  chest  had  at  first  been  regularly  opened  by 
the  Commander  as  it  went  in  and  out  of  Loevestein. 
Later,  however,  the  Lieutenant’s  vigilance  relaxed, 
and  he  became  accustomed  to  allow  the  chest  to  pass 
unexamined.  The  wife  of  Grotius  saw  in  this  laxity 
the  opportunity  of  escape  for  her  husband.  He 
was  to  be  locked  in  the  chest  in  place  of  the  books 
and  to  be  carried  to  freedom  by  the  very  men  whose 
duty  it  was  to  detain  him. 

The  scheme  was  carefully  contrived.  Every  de- 
ls Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  V,  p.  217. 


132 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tail  must  be  thoughtfully  arranged,  nothing  could 
be  overlooked,  for  the  smallest  mishap  would  mean 
disaster.  “The  chest  was  two  thumbbreadths 
shorter  than  four  feet,”  and  Grotius  was  a man 
of  more  than  middle  height,  but  it  was  found  that,  by 
doubling  up,  he  could  get  within  it.  In  order  to  see 
whether  he  could  breathe  so  enclosed,  and  how  long 
it  would  be  possible  for  him  to  remain  there  in  case 
of  a head  wind  or  calm  on  the  journey  to  Gorcum, 
he  would  enter  the  chest  and  remain  there  while  “an 
hour-glass  rah  out  twice.”  Also  the  faithful  wife 
would  sit  upon  the  chest  while  he  was  within,  in  or- 
der to  ascertain  whether  he  would  still  be  able  to  get 
air  if  someone  on  the  journey  used  his  coffinlike  re- 
ceptacle as  a seat. 

So  Grotius  and  his  wife  pre-produced,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  conditions  under  which  he  would  have 
to  exist  in  his  attempt  to  regain  his  freedom.  Notic- 
ing that  he  stirred  at  times  within  the  chest,  Madame 
de  Groot  would  warn  her  husband,  and  again  he 
would  try  to  remain  perfectly  still  for  hours. 

Moreover  the  good  people  in  Gorcum  had  to  be 
prepared  for  the  reception  of  their  unexpected  guest. 
Accordingly,  about  two  weeks  before  the  escape  took 
place,  Madame  de  Groot  came  to  the  house  of  Daat- 
selaer  in  Gorcum,  and  there  began  to  prepare 
Madame  Daatselaer  for  the  sudden  appearance  of 
Grotius,  which  she  prayed  would  take  place. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  243. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  pp.  243- 
255.  The  conversation  which  follows,  as  well  as  the  facts,  are 


Grotius  preparing'  for  his  escape  from  Loevestein. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  133 


“Madame  Daatselaer,”  said  the  woman  whose 
one  thought  was  to  free  her  husband,  “if  you  re- 
ceived my  husband  here  one  day,  would  you  not 
be  very  perplexed  with  him?” 

The  wife  of  the  merchant  answered,  laughing: 
“No,  only  let  him  come.” 

Arriving  again  in  Gorcum,  this  time  on  Saturday 
the  20th  of  March,  1621,  two  days  before  the  es- 
cape, Madame  de  Groot,  upon  hearing  the  bells 
ringing  in  the  afternoon,  asked  Madame  Daatselaer 
what  it  signified.  Whereupon  the  latter  answered: 
“To-morrow  will  be  our  yearly  fair.” 

“May  not  all  exiles  come  to  Gorcum  then?” 
laughingly  asked  the  visitor. 

“Yes,  I believe  so,”  returned  her  hostess. 

“But  if  I should  bring  my  husband,  would  you 
fail  to  take  him  in?”  Madame  de  Groot  proceeded. 

“We  may  take  that  for  granted,”  replied  her 
friend. 

With  these  words  Madame  de  Groot  tapped  on 
Madame  Daatselaer’s  shoulders  and  said  with  a 
smile  as  she  left : “What  a good  woman  you  are : but 
you  know  well  that  he  is  so  closely  guarded  that,  if 
he  were  a bird,  he  would  not  be  able  to  fly  away.” 

translated  by  the  author  from  the  original  Dutch  of  Brandt.  He, 
in  turn,  has  got  the  conversation  from  many  notes  and  letters  to 
which  he,  when  he  wrote,  was  able  to  obtain  access,  since  it  was 
then  only  50  years  after  the  death  of  Grotius. 

It  is  difficult  to  doubt  the  veracity  of  the  great  Dutch  historian, 
for  the  letters  I have  run  down  are  truly  quoted  by  Brandt. 

Also,  I have  seen  letters  from  Pieter  de  Groot  and  Hugo  de 
Groot  to  Brandt,  offering  him  the  documents  in  their  possession 
relative,  respectively,  to  their  illustrious  father  and  grandfather. 


134 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Now  for  a propitious  opportunity  and  all  would 
be  risked  for  the  goal  of  freedom.  Early  next 
morning,  which  was  Sunday  the  21st  of  March,  lit- 
tle Cornelia  de  Groot,  only  nine  years  of  age,  and 
knowing  nothing  of  the  scheme,  exclaimed: 
“Mother,  mother,  tomorrow  father  must  go,  what- 
ever the  weather  may  be”  — words  which  were  re- 
ceived by  the  father  with  astonishment,  as  an  ad- 
monition from  Heaven. 

As  though  Destiny  had  now  taken  the  prisoner 
under  her  special  protection,  the  plans  developed. 
Lieutenant  Deventer  had  just  been  promoted  to  a 
captaincy  by  Prince  Maurice,  and  it  was  necessary 
for  him  to  go  to  Heusden  the  following  day  to  re- 
ceive his  company.  That  very  Sunday  evening  he 
left  the  fortress. 

Madame  de  Groot  lost  no  time  in  seeking  the  wife 
of  the  Commander,  to  whom  she  had  made  various 
gifts  and  had  sent  only  a few  days  before  a present 
of  venison  and  other  dainties. 

“I  should  like  very  much  to  send  away  a trunk 
of  Arminian  books:  my  husband  exhausts  himself 
so  with  study,  that  I can  bear  it  no  longer,”  said 
Madame  de  Groot,  and  the  wife  of  Deventer,  more 
friendly  than  her  soldier  husband,  readily  assented. 

The  plan  of  escape  was  now  unfolded  to  the  maid- 
servant of  the  de  Groots,  Elsje  van  Houwening,  a 
girl  of  twenty,^®  trustworthy  and  courageous.  Upon 

18  From  the  narrative  of  H.  de  Groot  annotated  by  Ed.  Pop- 
pius,  I,  44. 

18  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  244. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  135 


being  asked  whether  she  would  go  with  the  chest 
and  its  human  contents  to  deliver  it  in  Gorcum,  she 
said:  “Yes,”  and  then  asked:  “Could  they  do  me 
any  harm,  if  I did  this?” 

And  Grotius  answered:  “Not  according  to  law, 
but  I am  also  innocent,  and  you  see  how  they  have 
dealt  with  me.” 

Whereupon  the  brave  girl  replied:  “Neverthe- 
less I shall  risk  it,  come  thereof  what  will.” 

Dawn  of  Monday,  the  22nd  of  March,  found 
Grotius  upon  his  knees  where  he  prayed  for  an  hour 
that  God  might  bless  his  attempt.  Between  eight 
and  nine  o’clock  he  entered  the  chest  which  was  to 
carry  him  to  freedom  or  disaster,  clothed  only  in 
linen  underclothes  and  silk  stockings,  lying  so 
tightly  wedged  that  not  even  a pair  of  shoes  could 
be  inserted  between  him  and  the  side  of  the  chest.^° 
The  New  Testament,  which  he  had  borrowed  from 
Erpenius,  with  some  “spun  thread,”  served  for  a 
pillow,  while  under  his  knees  lay  some  other  books 
to  make  him  more  comfortable.  To  protect  his 
head  against  movement  and  blows,  it  was  made  as 
stationary  as  possible. 

After  Madame  de  Groot  had  said  farewell  to  her 
husband,  she  locked  the  chest,  kissing  the  fastening 
after  she  had  turned  the  key.^^  Then  she  gave  the 
faithful  maid  the  key,  entered  the  bed  and  drew  the 
curtains  to.  Grotius’  outer  garments  laid  upon  a 

*0  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  245. 

21  Ihid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  246. 


136 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


chair,  his  slippers  before  the  bed  as  though  he  still 
were  in  his  slumbers.  Everything  was  now  ready 
for  the  final  act,  and  Madame  de  Groot  pulled  the 
bell  which  rang  outside  the  room. 

The  servant  who  was  accustomed  to  lock  and  un- 
lock tlje  rooms  of  the  prisoners,  answered  the  call 
and  asked  Madame  de  Groot  what  she  wished. 
The  latter  answered:  “I  had  intended  to  go  to 
Gorcum  myself,  yet  on  account  of  the  turbulent 
weather,  and  because  I do  not  feel  well,  I shall  not 
make  the  journey,  but  will  send  my  maid  who  shall 
take  the  chest.  Call  a soldier,  who  will  help  you 
carry  it  down.” 

Forthwith  several  soldiers  came  up,  and,  seeing 
the  clothes  of  the  prisoner  hanging  by  the  bed,  sus- 
pected nothing. 

When  they  lifted  the  chest,  however,  one  re- 
marked to  the  others : “How  is  it  that  this  chest  is  so 
heavy,  the  Arminian  might  well  be  in  it.”  And 
Madame  de  Groot  responded  from  within  the  bed: 
“They  are  Arminian  books.” 

Having  examined  the  chest  well  to  see  whether 
any  holes  had  been  bored  in  it  to  give  air,  and  find- 
ing none,  for  there  was  no  means  of  ventilation  but 
the  lock,  the  soldiers  began  to  remove  the  trunk  with 
its  precious  burden. 

Half  carrying,  half  dragging,  with  great  labor 
they  finally  succeeded  in  getting  the  chest  down  the 
stairs  and  through  the  thirteen  doors,  securely 

22  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  245. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  137 

bolted.^^  Four  times,  one  or  another  soldier  de- 
clared that  Grotius  himself  must  be  hidden  within 
the  box,  and  the  wife  of  one  of  the  soldiers,  hearing 
these  remarks,  suggested  that  she  knew  of  a swin- 
dler having,  some  years  before,  been  carried  out 
of  the  town  in  a chest,  “and  why  not  the  Arminian 
now?” 

One  of  the  soldiers  even  declared:  “I  will  get  a 
drill  and  bore  a hole  in  him  so  that  the  excrement 
runs  out.”  But  the  quick-witted  maid,  Elsje,  an- 
swered him,  saying : “Then  you  must  have  a drill  to 
reach  from  here  to  his  room.” 

But  the  talk  of  the  soldiers  was  not  serious.  Had 
Grotius  not  been  abed  with  his  clothes  upon  a chair? 
And  was  not  the  chest  free  from  holes  which  would 
be  necessary  in  order  to  make  the  trunk  livable? 

Having  grumbled  their  way  out  of  the  fortress, 
they  asked  the  Commander’s  wife  whether  they 
should  open  the  chest  to  examine  the  contents.  She 
inquired  what  the  practice  of  her  husband  had  been, 
and,  upon  being  told  that  he  had  discontinued  the 
opening  of  the  chest  as  it  came  in  and  out,  said: 
“Madame  de  Groot  has  told  me  that  Arminian 
books  are  in  it;  carry  it  to  the  vessel.” 

But  the  faithful  Elsje  was  not  yet  free  from 
trouble.  The  captain,  John  Wouterszoon,  had 
placed  a rather  thin  plank  from  shore  to  ship,  on 
which  to  slide  the  trunk  aboard,  but  the  vigilant 

23  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  245. 

24  “Bergverkooper”  is  literally  “one  who  sells  mountains.” 


138 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


maid  was  most  apprehensive  lest  it  should  break  un- 
der the  weight,  and  all  the  costly  books  be  ruined. 
She  therefore  demanded  that  a stronger  plank  be 
placed  on  the  other,  and  when  this  was  done  the  chest 
was  put  aboard  without  mishap,  and  the  journey  to 
Gorcum  begun. 

It  had  previously  been  arranged  between  Madame 
de  Groot  and  the  maid,  that,  if  all  went  well,  the  lat- 
ter was  to  wave  her  handkerchief  over  her  head, 
while  if  the  contrary  were  true  she  would  sit  with 
her  head  in  her  hands. 

After  the  soldiers  had  left  the  rooms  which  had 
been  Grotius’  only  home  for  nearly  two  years,  his 
wife  fell  upon  her  knees  and  fervently  prayed  for 
the  safety  of  her  husband.  Rising  she  turned  to  the 
western  window  looking  down  the  Waal  and  saw  the 
handkerchief  of  Elsje  fluttering  in  the  wind  above 
her  head.  Thus  far  her  husband  was  safe,  and  she 
uttered  these  brave  words  to  herself:  “Go  on,  my 
husband,  and  may  I never  see  you  again  unless  in 
freedom.” 

In  the  meantime,  one  of  the  crew  who  had  noticed 
Elsje  displaying  the  handkerchief,  asked  her  what  it 
signified,  and  she  answered  that  “the  servant  had 
teased  her  that  she  would  not  dare  to  travel  in  such 
weather  and  she  was  now  showing  him  that  he  was 
wrong.”  Whereupon  she  again  flung  the  hand- 
kerchief above  her  head. 

The  stiff  breeze  had  caused  the  boat  to  heel  con- 


25  From  the  narrative  of  Elsje  van  Houwening. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  139 


siderably,  whereupon  the  maid  said  to  the  captain: 
“Lash  the  chest  fast,  else  it  may  slide  overboard, 
and  then  the  books  would  not  only  be  ruined  but 
lost.”  But  when  this  was  done  she  was  not  yet  to 
have  rest,  for  an  officer  of  the  garrison,  who  was 
aboard,  thinking  the  chest  a comfortable  seat,  sat 
down  upon  it  and  began  to  drum  upon  it  with  his 
heels.  At  this,  the  watchful  Elsje,  realizing  how 
this  must  annoy  her  master,  locked  within  a chest 
bobbing  on  a rough  sea,  and  seeing  that  it  made  the 
cover  fit  tighter,  thus  cutting  off  some  of  the  already 
scant  supply  of  air  penetrating  to  him,  politely  asked 
him  if  he  would  not  sit  elsewhere,  or  at  least  stop 
pounding  the  chest  with  his  feet  since  the  box  also 
contained  porcelain  which  might  easily  be  broken. 

So  the  boat  approached  Gorcum.  The  suspense 
and  anxiety  of  Grotius  must  truly  have  been  terrible. 
A cough,  a sneeze,  a movement  of  his  cramped  body, 
would  have  meant  detection,  yet,  under  this  terrific 
strain,  the  great  mind  of  the  man  ruled  supreme  over 
his  body,  and  nothing  had  gone  amiss  when  the  boat 
docked  at  the  end  of  its  trip  of  almost  two  miles. 

There  the  skipper  was  set  upon  landing  some 
other  goods  first,  but  Elsje  insisted  that  the  chest  be 
put  ashore,  arguing  that  the  poultry-boat  might 
leave  for  Delft  and  she  be  left  with  the  chest. 

At  length  he  consented  to  follow  her  wishes,  but 
decided  that  he  wanted  to  carry  the  trunk  on  a 
wheel-barrow.  To  this  the  maid  of  course  objected, 
saying:  “Get  an  aleporter’s  yoke  and  carry  it  be- 


140 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tween  you.  There  are  costly  things  within  it  which 
may  break.  I would  rather  give  ten  stuivers  to  have 
it  carried  than  two  to  have  it  dragged  or  conveyed 
on  a wheel-barrow.” 

So  skipper  and  son  started  off  with  the  chest  upon 
a hand-barrow,  but  they  had  not  proceeded  far  when 
the  son  remarked:  “Father  something  living  is  in 
the  chest.” 

“Do  you  hear  what  my  son  says?”  said  the  father 
turning  to  Elsje,  who  had  pretended  not  to  notice  the 
remark  of  the  son.  “He  says  something  alive  is  in 
the  trunk.” 

But  Elsje  was  ready  for  them  and  returned: 
“Yes,  books  have  both  life  and  spirit.”  So  they  ar- 
rived at  the  house  of  Daatselaer,  going  in  through 
the  rear  door,  since  they  could  not  penetrate  the 
crowd  which  had  gathered  before  the  front  door 
on  this  day  of  the  fair  without  arousing  curiosity 
and  excitement. 

Having  paid  the  captain  his  ten  stuivers,  Elsje 
hastened  to  the  front  of  the  shop.  There  she  found 
the  merchant  and  his  wife  busy  with  strangers  and 
goods,  but,  going  up  to  Madame  Daatselaer,  she 
whispered  softly:  “I  have  my  Master  in  the  rear 
in  a chest,  you  must  see  how  you  can  get  him  away.” 

The  strain  was  beginning  to  tell  on  Elsje,  and 
now,  so  near  success,  she  had  nearly  ruined  all,  for 
Madame  Daatselaer  turned  “as  white  as  a sheet,” 

26  “Zoo  wit  als  een  dock” — Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de 
Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  247. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  141 


Together,  the  merchant’s  wife  and  Elsje  went  to 
the  rear  of  the  shop  where  the  chest  had  been 
left. 

“Master,”  cried  the  maid,  before  she  opened  the 
box,  but  there  was  no  answer.  Then  louder : “Oh, 
my  Master  is  dead.” 

“Your  Mistress  has  not  done  wisely;  before  she 
had  a living  husband,  now  she  has  a dead  one,”  re- 
marked Madame  Daatselaer. 

But  Grotius,  who  had  heard  the  conversation, 
knocked  on  the  cover,  saying:  “No,  I am  not  dead. 
I did  not  recognize  the  voice.” 

Immediately  the  chest  was  opened  and  Grotius 
arose  from  the  place  where  he  had  lain  for  almost 
two  hours,  as  a dead  man  from  his  grave.  Through 
a “stairway-door”  to  a room  above,  Madame  Daat- 
selaer ushered  the  statesman,  and  the  faithful  maid 
followed  with  her.  Seeing  his  hostess  so  ghastly 
pale  and  livid,  Grotius  asked  her  “if  she  always  had 
such  an  appearance  and  color?” 

“No,  but  I am  frightened  to  see  you  here.  My 
lord  is  no  common  person.  The  whole  world  talks 
of  him.  I fear  this  will  cost  me  all  my  property,  and 
perhaps  my  husband  will  be  taken  and  put  in  your 
place,”  answered  Madame  Daatselaer. 

Grotius  replied : “I  have  prayed  to  God,  before 
this  much  was  accomplished,  and  now  I have  fer- 
vently thanked  God  for  my  deliverance  thus  far. 
But  if  it  should  result  as  you  fear,  I am  ready  at  once 

27  From  the  narrative  of  Madame  Daatselaer. 


142 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


to  go  back  into  the  chest  and  be  carried  back  to 
prison.” 

But  the  true  friend  answered:  “No,  we  have  you 
here  now,  and,  let  come  what  may,  we  will  help  you 
get  away,”  and,  seeing  that  he  was  faint  and  weak, 
gave  him  a glass  of  Spanish  wine.  As  for  clothes, 
she  seemed,  in  her  confusion,  to  have  no  thought, 
but  left  Grotius  sitting  without  cloak  or  covering  in 
his  linen  underclothing. 

Madame  Daatselaer  now  went  to  the  front  of  the 
house  to  summon  her  husband,  but  he  wisely  de- 
clined to  come,  foreseeing  that  it  would  be  better 
for  all  concerned,  if,  when  he  was  examined  on  the 
escape,  he  could  truthfully  say  he  had  seen  nothing 
of  it;  an  answer  of  which  Grotius  thoroughly  ap- 
proved. 

The  plan  of  escape  now  fell  upon  Madame  Daat- 
selaer, but  Grotius  assured  her  by  saying:  “I  place 
myself  into  your  hands,  but  there  is  no  need  to  has- 
ten, for  I have  arranged  it  with  my  wife  that  I shall 
not  be  missed  until  to-morrow  or  the  next  day.” 

Thinking  that  immediate  action  was  best,  how- 
ever, the  merchant’s  wife  went  to  the  house  of  her 
brother-in-law  Kornelis  van  der  Veen,  a clothier  by 
trade  and  a Baptist,  whom  she  found  in  his  shop  sell- 
ing some  goods  to  an  officer  of  Loevestein.  She 
whispered  to  him;  and  the  clothier,  forgetting  his 
trade,  hurried  off  to  Daatselaer’s  house  leaving  the 
officer  waiting. 

When  they  arrived  there,  they  found  Grotius  sit- 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  143 


ting  as  they  had  left  him.  Van  der  Veen  gave  him 
his  hand  saying:  “Sir,  you  are  welcome.  Are  you 
the  man  of  whom  the  whole  country  talks?” 

And  Grotius  answered:  “Yes,  here  I am.  I 
place  myself  in  your  hands.” 

“You  must  not  remain  here  long.  We  must  help 
you  away,”  replied  the  clothier,  and  he  hastened 
away  to  find  Jan  Lambertszoon,  a mason  by  trade 
and  a Lutheran,  whom  he  knew  he  could  trust.  He 
found  him  on  a scaffold  where  he  was  working  at 
his  trade  on  the  front  of  a house,  and,  calling  him 
down,  told  him  there  was  something  to  be  done 
which  none  must  know  of,  that  he  could  do  it  with 
a clear  conscience  and  not  without  reward. 

The  mason  showing  himself  ready,  van  der  Veen 
now  instructed  him  to  get  a complete  extra  outfit  of 
mason’s  clothes,  including  a hat,  stockings,  shoes,  and 
a drill  or  measuring-rod,  and  to  come  to  Daatselaer’s 
house. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived,  Grotius  proceeded  to  don 
these  clothes.  The  jacket  did  not  reach  the 
trousers,  and  the  trousers  ended  somewhat  above  the 
knees.  The  costume  was  decidedly  a misfit,  and,  to 
make  matters  worse,  the  conspicious  hands  of  the 
statesman  were  hardly  those  of  a mason;  but 
Madame  Daatselaer  rectified  this  by  covering  his 
hands  with  plaster,  and  further,  supplied  him  with 
money. 

With  measuring-rod  in  hand,  Grotius,  accompan- 
ied by  the  real  mason,  walked  out  of  the  house  about 


144 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


eleven  o’clock  In  the  morning  and  through  the 
crowded  town  to  the  Hansepoort.  Van  der  Veen 
was  to  take  a different  route,  meeting  them  at  the 
ferry.  The  most  dangerous  part  of  this  walk  was 
the  start  from  the  house,  for  right  next  door  to  the 
Daatselaer’s  lived  a bookseller,  van  de  Kapelle  by 
name,  at  whose  shop  many  men  of  literary  taste  had 
gathered  on  this  day.  But  the  two  masons  passed 
without  anyone  recognizing  Grotius  in  his  ludicrous 
costume,  and  came  to  the  ferry.  Here  the  ferry- 
man refused  to  make  the  crossing  of  the  Merwede 
in  such  boisterous  weather  for  only  two  such  ordi- 
nary passengers.  The  mason  insisted  that  he  had 
to  cross  In  order  to  purchase  some  stone  in  Altona, 
and  when  van  der  Veen  also  arrived,  interested  In 
the  stone  too,  the  ferry-man  acquiesced  and  the 
party  was  taken  over. 

From  the  landing,  Grotius  and  Lambertszoon  set 
out  for  Waalwyk,  leaving  van  der  Veen  to  return  to 
Gorcum.  After  many  mistakes  had  been  made  as  to 
the  road,  the  two  masons  arrived  at  Waalwyk  at 
four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  There  Grotius  knew 
one  of  the  expelled  Remonstrant  ministers,  and  there 
he  rested  for  two  hours. 

At  Waalwyk  a carriage  was  hired  to  convey  Gro- 
tius to  Antwerp,  where  he  would  be  safe,  and,  to 
allay  the  suspicions  of  the  driver,  Grotius  had  the 
mason  tell  him  that  his  passenger  was  a disguised 
bankrupt  fleeing  from  the  country.  First  taking 
leave  of  Jan  Lambertszoon,  who  had  indeed  proved 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  145 


a true  friend,  Grotius  left  Waalwyk  at  six  o’clock  in 
the  evening,  accompanied  by  a friend  he  had  found 
in  the  town. 

On  the  way  to  Antwerp  the  fugitive  displayed 
such  ignorance  of  the  value  of  his  coins,  that  the 
driver,  upon  being  asked  who  his  passenger  was,  an- 
swered: “I  do  not  know  myself.  They  tell  me 
that  he  is  a bankrupt,  but  I believe  he  is  a fool,  for 
he  knows  no  money.” 

Having  ridden  the  whole  night,  and  being  still 
some  distance  from  Antwerp,  they  were  stopped  next 
morning  by  a body  of  soldiers  from  the  Spanish  ter- 
ritory, who  demanded  Grotius’  passport.  Upon  in- 
quiring of  them  who  and  where  their  officer  was,  he 
discovered  that  they  were  the  men  of  Red  Rod,  the 
sheriff  of  Antwerp,  who  was  not  far  distant.  A re- 
quest to  speak  to  the  leader  was  granted,  and  when 
Red  Rod  asked  him  where  his  passport  was,  Grotius 
answered : “I  have  my  passport  under  my  feet.” 

The  sheriff,  learning  who  the  fugitive  was,  did  all 
in  his  power  to  aid  him,  offering  him  a horse  and  a 
trooper  to  enable  him  to  complete  his  escape  more 
quickly. 

So,  between  twelve  and  one  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  23rd  of  March,  1621,  Grotius  arrived 
safely  and  without  mishap  within  the  friendly  walls 
of  Antwerp,  and  immediately  went  to  the  house  of 
the  former  Rotterdam  minister,  Nicholas  Grevink- 
hoven. 

Being  admitted  by  the  minister’s  daughter,  Gro- 


146 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tius  asked  to  see  her  father.  Not  recognizing  the 
great  man,  the  daughter  told  her  father  that  “two 
masons  asked  for  him,”  and  he,  in  turn,  sent  out  the 
message  that  he  was  busy  giving  medicine  to  his  sick 
wife  just  then,  but  requested  them  to  wait.  How- 
ever, when  Grotius  made  himself  known,  and  the 
minister  heard  the  name,  he  dropped  the  medicine 
and  flew  to  the  front  of  the  house,  followed  by  his 
sick  wife  herself,  who  came  from  her  bed  with  bare 
feet  to  meet  the  man  all  had  thought  of  as  though 
he  were  dead,  and  to  throw  herself  upon  his  neck. 

That  same  evening  Professor  Episcopius  came  to 
see  Grotius,  who  was  still  in  his  mason’s  garb,  and 
“there  they  ate  together  and  thanked  God  for  his 
singular  mercy.” 

Meanwhile  Madame  de  Groot  had  done  her  best 
to  allay  the  suspicion  of  the  garrison  at  Loevestein. 
When  the  servant  brought  in  the  midday  meal,  she 
told  him  that  her  husband,  as  was  often  the  case, 
was  shut  up  in  his  study  writing,  and  all  went  well. 
However,  when  Commander  Deventer  arrived  from 
Heusden  that  same  evening,  the  22nd  of  March,  and 
inquired  about  the  prisoners,  the  servant  informed 
him  that  he  had  not  seen  Grotius  at  noon,  since  he 
was  writing  in  his  study,  but  that  as  he  was  going 
over  the  bridge  that  evening  he  had  seen  that  there 
was  no  light  in  this  room.^® 

Captain  Deventer  now  rushed  to  the  rooms  which 

28  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  251. 

29  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  251. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  147 


had  confined  his  prisoners  for  nearly  two  years,  and 
there  demanded  of  Madame  de  Groot : “Where  is 
your  husband?” 

“The  cage  is  still  here  but  the  bird  has  flown,”  an- 
swered the  wife. 

In  a rage  he  flew  about  the  fortress,  and  learning 
that  the  chest  had  been  sent  to  Gorcum  that  day,  pro- 
ceeded thither  in  haste  that  very  night,  with  his 
soldiers.  Surrounding  the  house  of  Daatselaer  with 
his  men,  he  got  the  merchant  and  his  wife  out  of 
bed  to  search  the  house;  but  the  Commander  and  the 
sheriff  of  Gorcum,  Jacob  van  Paffenrode,  found 
nothing.  Van  der  Veen  was  most  surprised  at  hear- 
ing of  the  escape  and  assured  the  sheriff  that  his 
brother-in-law,  Daatselaer,  knew  nothing  of  it. 

The  chest  now  was  sought.  Madame  Daatse- 
laer informed  them  that  it  had  been  sent  to  the  boat 
going  to  Delft.  There  the  thoroughly  angry  Com- 
mander flew,  and  dragged  the  trunk  from  the  vessel, 
only  to  find  it  filled  with  thread  and  cloth. 

Deventer,  seeing  that  he  had  been  outwitted,  and 
guessing  that  his  prisoner  had  escaped  by  way  of 
Waalwyk,  dispatched  twenty  troopers  and  some 
soldiers  thither,  but  with  no  success.  The  wings  had 
strengthened  in  the  free  air  and  the  bird  had  flown 
too  far. 

The  escape  was  followed  by  an  examination  of 
Daatselaer,  Madame  de  Groot,  and  the  maid  Elsje, 
but  nothing  could  be  proven  against  them.  The  mer- 
chant answered  with  truthfulness  that  he  had  not 


148 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


seen  or  spoken  with  Grotius,  and  the  two  women 
who  had  done  so  much  to  give  the  prisoner  his  free- 
dom, were  no  more  enlightening.  “The  chest  had 
been  taken  to  the  house  of  Daatselaer  to  remove  the 
contents  and  to  put  in  again  the  linen  which  it  con- 
tained, before  sending  it  on,”  said  the  maid.  As  for 
accomplices,  “there  were  none  other  than  I alone,” 
declared  Madame  de  Groot;  “it  was  my  own  idea.” 

From  Antwerp,  Grotius  wrote  a short  note  tak- 
ing all  the  censure  for  the  escape  upon  himself,  and 
declaring  that,  in  his  flight  from  Loevestein,  he  had 
neither  seen  nor  spoken  to  Daatselaer.^®  Moreover, 
from  this  city  of  refuge  Grotius  sent  to  Prince  Mau- 
rice and  Prince  Henry,  on  the  26th  of  March,  1621, 
two  letters  which  afford  ample  refutation  of  any  ac- 
cusation against  Grotius  to  the  effect  that  he  was  a 
disloyal  deserter  of  his  country.  “I  hope  that  God 
Almighty  will  make  the  true  aim  of  your  Excellency 
the  preservation  of  the  honor,  the  freedom,  and  the 
tranquillity  of  the  land.”  Disloyal  indeed!  The 
scales  were  balanced  the  other  way. 

And  again,  on  the  30th  of  March,  Grotius  wrote 
from  Antwerp  to  the  States-General  a letter  which 
gives  us  a clear  insight  into  the  character  of  the  great 
man : “But  all  the  wrong  which  has  been  done  me 
and  still  may  be  inflicted,  shall  never  sever  me  from 
the  love  which  I have  always  borne  for  my  Father- 
land,  for  whose  freedom,  tranquillity  and  prosperity 

30  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  253. 

31  Letter  to  Prince  Henry,  ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  256. 


IMPRISONMENT  AND  ESCAPE  149 


I shall  always  pray.”  In  this,  as  in  his  other  letters, 
there  is  no  desire  for  retribution,  but  only  a desire 
to  serve. Grotius  had  devoted  his  life  thus  far  to 
the  protection  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  his  coun- 
try, and  as  a reward  had  been  condemned  to  lifelong 
imprisonment.  The  remainder  of  his  life  will  speak 
for  itself  more  eloquently  than  I can  hope  to  do. 
Deprived  of  all  his  earthly  goods,  Grotius  was  to 
start  his  life  anew,  yet  not  one  word  of  malice  was 
uttered  towards  the  country  which  had  cast  him  out. 

On  Thursday,  the  25th  of  March,  Madame  de 
Groot  received  on  her  table  a wheat-cake  in  which 
was  concealed  a note  of  glad  tidings,  saying  that  her 
husband  was  safe  in  Antwerp,®*  and  on  the  7th  of 
April  she  was  released  from  Loevestein.®* 

Of  the  brave,  devoted  girl,  Elsje  van  Houwening, 
it  only  remains  to  be  said  that  she  later  married  Gro- 
tius’ faithful  servant,  Willem  van  den  Velden,  whom, 
during  the  imprisonment,  Grotius  had  instructed  In 
Latin  and  the  rudiments  of  law,  and  who  later  be- 
came a very  capable  advocate  before  the  courts  of 
Holland.®® 

It  is  said  that,  when  Prince  Maurice  heard  of  the 
escape  of  Grotius,  he  remarked:  “I  thought  that 
they  could  never  keep  him  in  prison,  for  he  was  wiser 
than  all  his  judges.”  ®® 

^^Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  pp.  257,  258. 

33  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  255. 

^*Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  270. 

35  7i)jrf.,  Bk.  V,  p.  238;  Bk.  VI,  p.  280. 

3«  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  258. 


CHAPTER  VII 


RESIDENCE  IN  PARIS  AND  LITERARY 
PRODUCTS 


Grotius  takes  up  his  residence  in  Paris — His  reception  there — 
Madame  de  Groot  arrives  in  Paris — Grotius  is  granted  a pension 
— “The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion”  ready  for  the  press — 
Other  literary  products — The  “Justification  of  the  Lawful  Gov- 
ernment of  Holland  and  West  Friesland,”  and  its  effect — 
Grotius  moves  to  Balagni — Begins  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis” — 
His  services  sought  by  the  Prince  of  Holstein  and  the  King  of 
Denmark — The  death  of  Hoogerbeets. 

Grotius’  escape  set  in  motion  the  pens  of  the  most 
famous  poets  of  the  time,  Barlaeus,  Rutgersius  and 
others  composing  Latin  verses  to  celebrate  the  event 
and  his  wife’s  loyalty  and  devotion.  Even  Grotius 
himself  wrote  some  Latin  verses,  which  Vondel  after- 
wards translated  into  Dutch,  on  the  subject  of  his  for- 
tunate escape  and  the  chest  that  had  borne  him  to 
freedom.^  Later  Grotius  went  to  much  trouble  to 
recover  this  chest.^ 

The  world  was  too  much  in  need  of  Grotius  to 
allow  him  to  remain  undisturbed  in  Antwerp. 
Henry  Dupuis,  a friend  living  in  Louvain,  offered 

^ Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  127,  128.  Grotius’  ad- 
dress to  the  chest  is  given  in  full  in  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van 
Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  259. 

2 “De  area  nihil?  Nolim  perire  tantum  monumentum  divinae 
in  me  bonitatis,”  Ep.  720,  p.  971,  August  27th,  1644. 

150 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS 


151 

him  his  house,  but  Grotius  declined  it,  being  resolved, 
on  the  advice  of  du  Maurier  and  President  Jeannin, 
to  go  to  Paris.  Accordingly,  with  letters  of  intro- 
duction from  Ambassador  du  Maurier  to  some  of  the 
important  personages  in  France,  and  with  an  assur- 
ance from  Jeannin  of  the  protection  of  the  King,® 
Grotius  set  out  for  Paris  on  the  3rd  of  April,  accom- 
panied by  his  brother,  William,  and  two  men  who 
were  to  guide  him  part  of  the  way.  Through  Ghent 
and  Calais,  Grotius  traveled  to  Paris  incognito.  He 
arrived  late  in  the  night  of  the  13th,  and  was  re- 
ceived most  enthusiastically  by  all  his  friends,  and 
especially  by  the  minister  Uitenbogaert,  who,  since 
his  banishment  from  Holland,  had  lived  in  Paris.* 

At  this  time  the  King  happened  to  be  at  Fontaine- 
bleau, but  Boissise,  who  had  been  Louis’  Ambassa- 
dor Extraordinary  to  Holland  during  the  trial  of 
Grotius  and  Barneveld,  was  left  in  Paris  to  receive 
their  guest,  to  assure  him  of  the  King’s  good  will, 
and  to  see  to  his  comfort. 

Everyone  in  Paris  was  enthusiastically  hospitable 
to  the  fugitive,  except  the  Dutch  Ambassadors,  who 
were  instructed  by  the  States-General  to  treat  Gro- 
tius with  a frigidity  which  would  destroy  his  stand- 
ing. This  order  was  fully  obeyed,  but  the  calm- 
ness with  which  Grotius  took  their  insults,  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  returned  good  for  evil  by  doing 
all  in  his  power  to  serve  his  country,  only  helped  to 

3 Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  270,  Let- 
ter of  Jeannin. 

* Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  pp.  270,  271 ; Apologium,  c.  18. 


152 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


strengthen  his  position  in  France,  and  actually 
brought  him  praise  from  the  King. 

On  the  30th  of  April,  van  Langerak,  Ambassador 
from  the  States  to  France,  wrote  to  the  States-Gen- 
eral,^  that  Grotius  had  asked  the  French  Ministry  to 
use  their  influence  with  the  States-General  to  secure 
his  pardon.  The  injustice  of  this  statement  was 
more  than  Grotius  could  bear  In  silence,  and  we  find 
him  writing  to  du  Maurier:  “It  is  declared  that  I, 
now  being  free,  have  asked  for  pardon,  which  I re- 
fused to  do,  even  when  it  would  have  saved  me  from 
shame.  Imprisonment,  and  the  confiscation  of  my 
estate.”  ® 

Apart  from  these  annoyances,  Grotius  seems  to 
have  been  happy  in  Paris.  The  hospitality  origi- 
nally accorded  him  did  not  wane,  and  his  only  anxiety 
was  for  his  wife  whom  he  had  left  behind  in  Loe- 
vestein  to  the  mercy  of  the  States-General.  On  May 
14th,  1621,  he  wrote  again  to  du  Maurier  that  all 
Paris  was  very  kind  to  him,  that  he  was  being  re- 
ceived by  the  great  men  of  the  city,  and  that  the  only 
cause  for  concern  was  the  thought  of  his  wife  being 
still  In  prison.^  Evidently  he  had  not  yet  received 
the  good  news  of  his  wife’s  liberation  on  April  7th, 
just  past. 

5 Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  271. 
Francois  Aerssen,  Lord  of  Sommelsdyk,  and  Gideon  van  Boetse- 
laer,  Lord  of  Langerak,  had  been  appointed  Ambassadors  to 
France  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1621.  Ibid.,  Bk.  V,  pp.  238, 
239 

e'Ep.  147,  p.  57. 

’’  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  140. 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS 


153 


The  famous  Peyresc  declared  that,  in  the  arrival 
of  Grotius  at  Paris,  Holland  had  made  amends  to 
France  for  taking  away  the  illustrious  Scaliger  from 
her,  in  former  years,  and  two  Latin  epigrams  were 
written  expressing  this  sentiment,  as  follows: 

“Gallia,  Scaligerum  dederas  male  sana  Batavis : 

Grotiadem  reddit  terra  Batava  tibi. 

Ingratam  expertus  patriam  venerandus  uterque  est: 

Felix  mutato  erit  uterque  solo.”  ® 

And 


“Gallia  magnanimis  dedit  exorata  Batavis 
Dis  geniti  aeternum  Scaligeri  ingenium : 

Fallor  an  humanis  male  dura  Batavia  Gallis 
Scaligerum  magno  reddidit  in  Grotio.”  ® 

Du  Vair,  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  actively  interested 
himself  in  an  effort  to  obtain  from  the  King  a pres- 
ent for  Grotius,  pending  the  grant  of  a pension,  but, 
while  thus  engaged,  he  died  at  Tonneins  on  the  3rd 
of  August,  1621.^“  This  was  a great  loss  to  Grotius, 
for  expenses  were  increasing.  Late  in  September, 
1621,^^  Madame  de  Groot  arrived  in  Paris,  to  re- 
main with  her  husband  in  banishment  as  she  had  done 
in  his  imprisonment.  The  time  subsequent  to  her 
liberation  from  Loevestein  she  had  spent  in  Holland 
and  Zeeland,  putting  her  affairs  in  order,  before  her 

® Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  141 ; Ep.  Grotii,  401,  p. 
868. 

® Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  141 ; Buchner.  Vind.  Grot,  p.  237. 

10  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  143. 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  278. 
Burigny,  in  his  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  145,  says  that  Madame 
de  Groot  arrived  in  Paris  in  October,  1621. 


154 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


departure  for  France  by  sead^  After  her  arrival  in 
Paris,  Grotius  hired  a house,  in  spite  of  the  drain 
upon  his  scanty  resources.  There  they  lived,  mak- 
ing many  friends.  No  less  a personage  than  the 
Princess  of  Conde  exhibited  an  interest  in  Madame 
de  Groot  to  the  extent  of  expressing  admiration  for 
the  means  employed  by  her  for  Grotius’  escape,  re- 
marking that  “she  (the  Princess  of  Conde)  was 
sorry  that  she  had  not  so  freed  her  husband,  the 
Prince,  when  he  had  been  confined  in  the  Bastille.” 
The  great  Vondel  sang  the  praises  of  Madame  de 
Groot  in  a felicitous  poem,  dedicated  to  her,  in  which 
he  speaks  of  her  as  “Gemalin”  or  “Consort,”  a word 
showing  the  great  respect  in  which  the  poet  held  the 
statesman  and  his  wife.^* 

Meanwhile,  his  expenses  were  growing  so  heavy 
that  Grotius  was  troubled  over  the  means  where- 
with to  live,  and  on  December  3rd,  1621,  we  find 
him  writing  to  du  Maurier  that  if  nothing  could  be 
done  for  him  he  would  have  to  retreat  to  Germany 
or  some  corner  of  France. The  King,  however, 
returned  to  Paris  on  the  30th  of  January,  1622,^® 
and  early  in  March  Grotius  was  presented  to  him  by 
Chancellor  de  Silleri,  and  the  Keeper  of  the  Seals  de 
Vic,  who  had  received  this  office  after  the  death  of 

12  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  278. 

13  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  278. 

1*  This  poem  can  be  found  among  Vondel’s  lyric  poems,  or  in 
Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  pp.  279,  280. 

13  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  145. 

1®  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  145. 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS 


155 


du  Vair/^  Louis  received  him  graciously,  and  not 
only  granted  him  a pension  of  three  thousand  livres 
to  be  paid  quarterly,  but  also,  by  means  of  letters- 
patent  signed  at  Nantes  on  the  22nd  of  April,  1622,^® 
extended  protection  to  all  persons  persecuted  by  the 
States.  By  these  letters,  the  King  declared  that  he 
regarded  all  those  condemned  in  Holland  and  seek- 
ing refuge  in  France  as  his  own  subjects,  whose  heirs 
might  succeed  to  their  estates,  which  would  not  be 
liable  to  escheat  to  the  Crown. 

Being  now  assured  of  the  protection  of  the  King, 
Grotius  rented  a more  pretentious  house  on  the  Rue 
de  Conde,  opposite  the  mansion  of  the  Prince,  and 
shared  it  with  a man  named  Tilenus.®®  But  pay- 
ments of  the  pension  were  slow  in  coming  in,  and 
Grotius’  financial  affairs  were  little  better  than  be- 
fore. That  they  were  anything  but  prosperous  may 
be  inferred  from  the  letter  which  his  friend  Vossius 
wrote  to  him,  in  some  alarm,  lest  Grotius  might 
change  his  religious  views  in  order  to  secure  his  pen- 
sion more  promptly,  in  answer  to  which  Grotius 
assured  his  friend  that  he  had  no  such  intention.®^ 
The  death  of  the  friendly  de  Vic,  September  2nd, 
1622,®®  was  a great  loss  to  Grotius  and  the  other 

-^Uhid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  145;  Ep.  29,  p.  763,  and  Ep.  319,  p.  114. 

Ep.  30,  p.  764.  Brandt  declares  this  pension  was  3,600  gulden 
a year,  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  pp.  284,  285. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  146;  Mercure  Francois, 
1625,  p.  185;  Ep.  Grotii,  32,  p.  764,  and  34,  p.  765. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  146. 

21  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  147. 

22  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  146. 


156 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


refugees  from  Holland,  for  now  de  Caumartin,  a 
man  very  much  out  of  sympathy  with  the  Protestant 
cause,  was  made  Keeper  of  the  Seals.  But  this  was 
not  all,  for  President  Jeannin,  the  man  who  had 
aided  Holland  in  bringing  about  the  Twelve  Years’ 
Truce  of  1609,  the  friend  of  that  country,  and  of 
Grotius,  died  in  April,  1623.^®  That  Grotius  felt 
the  loss  keenly,  we  have  as  proof  a letter  of  April 
23rd,  1623,^^  to  his  brother  William,  lamenting  the 
death  of  his  faithful  friend  and  mentor. 

While  these  things  were  taking  place,  Grotius  was 
not  idle  in  the  field  of  literature,  for,  in  a letter  to 
Vossius  of  September  29th,  1621,®®  he  stated  that 
his  six  books  in  Dutch  verse  on  “The  Truth  of  the 
Christian  Religion,”  as  well  as  “An  Investigation  of 
Pelagianism,”  were  ready  for  the  press,  while  an 
edition  of  Strobaeus  was  in  preparation.  Since  his 
arrival  in  Paris,  Grotius  had  devoted  much  time  to 
reading  on  theology,  worshipping  at  home  with  his 
family,  since  the  ministers  of  Charenton  had  refused 
to  receive  him  in  communion  unless  he  renounced 
his  religious  beliefs. 

Early  in  the  year  1622,  Grotius  finished  his  “Jus- 
tification of  the  Lawful  Government  of  Holland  and 
West  Friesland,”  in  the  Dutch  language.^^  This 

23  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  148. 

2*  Ep.  53,  p.  770. 

25  Ep.  163,  p.  61. 

26  The  title  of  this  work  is  “Disquisitio,  an  Pelagiana  sint  ea 
dogmata,  quae  nunc  sub  eo  nomine  traducuntur.” 

27  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  p.  287; 
Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  152. 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS 


157 


work,  which  was  designed  to  show  his  innocence  to 
the  world,  was  begun  the  year  before,^®  on  the  advice 
of  President  Jeannin,  who  had  counseled  Grotius  to 
write  his  vindication  while  the  facts  and  events  were 
still  fresh  in  his  mind.  Accordingly,  he  sent  to  his 
brother-in-law,  Nicolaas  Reigersbergen,  for  various 
letters  and  documents  which  would  enable  him  to  au- 
thenticate his  facts  and  strengthen  his  argument.^® 
With  these  materials,  and  others  furnished  by 
Hoogerbeets  and  by  de  Haan,  now  Counsellor  of  the 
Prince  of  Holstein,  the  vindication  was  written. 

While  he  was  still  busy  translating  the  “Justi- 
fication” into  Latin,  Grotius  sent  a copy  of  it  to  the 
French  Ambassador  in  Holland,  du  Maurier,®®  in 
order  that  he  might  obtain  the  opinions  of  his  friends 
on  the  advisability  of  publishing  it.  On  this  question 
there  was  some  dispute  among  them.  But  the  work 
was  printed  in  Amsterdam  under  the  direction  of 
some  Remonstrants,  and  published  in  Dutch  (after 
some  interference)  at  Hoorn,  in  November,  1622, 
the  Latin  translation  having  appeared  in  Paris  more 
than  a month  before,  with  the  permission  of  the  King. 

In  this  way  the  wrath  of  the  States-General  was 
once  more  aroused  against  Grotius;®^  and  on  the 
24th  of  November,  1622,  they  published  a proclama- 
tion,®® denouncing  Grotius  as  having  committed 

2®  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VI,  p.  280. 

29  Ibid.,  Bk.  VI,  p.  280. 

30  Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  p.  287. 

31  Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  p.  293. 

32  Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  pp.  302,  303.  The  proclamation  in  full  is 
printed  here  in  the  original  Dutch. 


158 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


“Crimen  laesae  Majestatis,”  describing  the  book  as 
“a  notorious,  seditious  and  scandalous  Libel,”  and 
making  it  a penal  offence  for  any  one  to  possess  or  to 
read  it,  or  to  give  it  to  others  to  read.  But,  worst 
of  all,  the  proclamation  declared  that  the  author  of 
the  “Libel”  should  be  taken  into  custody,  wherever 
and  whenever  found,  “no  lapse  of  time  exempting 
him  from  this.” 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  clause  caused  Grotius 
much  anxiety.  He  was  undecided  whether  to  write 
a letter  of  defense  to  a friend  for  publication,  to  pre- 
pare a new  apology  upholding  his  former  one,  to 
complain  to  the  States-General,  or  to  appeal  to  the 
Parlement  of  Paris  and  King  Louis  of  France  for 
protection.  Finally,  he  decided  to  do  the  last  of 
these,  and  as  a result  was  favored  with  a special 
protection  against  the  Edict,  in  the  form  of  a royal 
decree  issued  at  Paris,  February  26th,  1623.®® 

Yet,  throughout  all  this  added  persecution,  Gro- 
tius’ loyalty  to  his  country  never  wavered.  In  the 
height  of  the  trouble,  he  wrote  to  his  brother  that 
he  was  still  anxious  to  work  in  the  interest  of  Hol- 
land; that,  if  the  United  Provinces  were  desirous  of 
entering  into  a closer  union  with  France,  he  would 
assist  them  with  all  his  power;  that  the  public  inter- 

33  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  157,  from  Mercure 
Francois;  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  pp. 
310,  311.  The  declaration,  translated  into  Dutch,  appears  there. 

3*  Ep.  50,  p.  769,  April  7th,  1623,  “Ego  pro  patria  laborare  non 
desino.  Et  si  nostri  foedus  arctius  cum  Gallo  inire  cupiunt,  non 
deero  adjutor.  Neque  enim  ob  paucorum  injurias  publica  utilitas 
deserenda  esL” 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS 


159 


est  was  not  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  resentment  of 
injuries  received  by  a few,  and  that  private  ad- 
vantage must  be  subordinate  to  public  good. 

In  this  year  of  1623,  Grotius’  translations  of  and 
additions  to  Strobaeus’  collection  of  the  maxims  of 
the  Greek  poets  were  published  by  Nicolas  Buon  in 
Paris.  Indeed,  when  a boy,  he  began  to  translate 
these  maxims  into  Latin  verse,  and  was  still  working 
upon  them  during  his  imprisonment  at  The  Hague. 
He  tells  us  that,  when  he  was  deprived  of  pen  and 
ink  there,  he  was  at  the  forty-ninth  title,  which  is  an 
invective  against  tyranny.  The  work,  being  re- 
sumed at  Loevestein,  was  completed  at  Paris,  where 
it  was  published  for  the  first  time.  In  the  library 
of  the  University  of  Leiden  there  is  a copy  of  the 
Geneva  edition  of  Strobaeus,  of  the  year  1609,  with 
some  notes  in  Grotius’  own  hand. 

During  the  spring  of  1623,  the  death  rate  in  Paris 
was  markedly  increased  by  an  infectious  disease 
which  seemed  to  be  in  the  air,^®  and  Grotius  decided 
to  move  into  the  country  for  a time.  In  May, 
President  de  Meme  having  offered  him  his  country- 
seat  at  Balagni,  near  Senlis,  Grotius  moved  thither, 
to  remain  during  June  and  July.  There  he  walked 
and  studied,  being  visited  by  three  Hollanders;  the 
son  of  Elias  Barneveld,  who,  we  remember,  had  been 
Pensionary  of  Rotterdam  and  had  died  in  July, 
1612;  the  son  of  his  fellow-prisoner  Hoogerbeets; 

35  Ep.  200,  p.  72. 

38  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  p.  314, 
“door  een  besmettelyke  lucht  veroorzaekt  wierdt.” 


i6o  HUGO  GROTIUS 

and  Adriaen  Daatselaer,  to  whose  house  Grotius  had 
come  in  the  chest.  There  he  also  received  two  sons 
of  Mr.  Meerman,  Director  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, and  his  cousin  Graswinkel.®^ 

In  this  house  in  the  country  Grotius  began  the 
work,  which  above  all  has  made  his  name  immortal, 
the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  or  “The  Rights  of  War 
and  Peace.”  During  this  time  he  enjoyed, 
through  the  courtesy  of  Francis,  son  of  the  late 
President  de  Thou,  the  use  of  the  latter’s  library, 
one  of  the  best  in  Europe,  so  that  he  was  enabled 
to  carry  on  his  work  without  feeling  the  need  of  his 
own  lost  books.®® 

Out  of  deference  to  the  religious  beliefs  of 
President  de  Meme,  Grotius  was  careful  not  to  do 
anything  which  might  offend  the  very  zealous  Catho- 
lic whose  house  he  occupied,  and  we  find  that  while 
there  he  served  no  meat  on  Fridays  or  Saturdays, 
received  no  refugee  clergymen  from  Holland,  and 
held  no  public  services  of  the  Protestant  religion. 
All  too  quickly  the  summer  must  have  passed,  and 
early  in  August  Grotius  left  Balagni  to  reside  in 
Senlis  until  October,  when  he  returned  to  Paris. 

The  next  year,  that  of  1624,  gives  abundant  proof 
of  the  value  of  Grotius  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  of 
that  day,  for  this  year  brought  forth  requests  from 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  p.  314; 
Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  163. 

38  Ep.  56,  p.  770,  and  57,  p.  771. 

39  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  164. 

Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  164,  165. 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS 


i6i 


the  Prince  of  Holstein  and  the  King  of  Denmark, 
to  the  man  Holland  had  discarded,  to  enter  their 
service. To  the  offer  from  Holstein,  Grotius 
seems  to  have  given  little  thought,  but  he  decided  to 
obtain  the  counsel  of  his  friends  regarding  the  op- 
portunity presented  in  Denmark. 

With  this  end  in  view,  and  in  order  to  attend 
to  what  was  left  of  her  property,  Madame  de  Groot 
departed  from  Paris  in  the  beginning  of  June,  1624, 
for  Holland,  traveling  by  way  of  Antwerp  and  Zee- 
land.^*  On  the  1 2th  of  July  she  arrived  In  Rotter- 
dam, whence  she  proceeded  leisurely  to  Delft, 
Leiden,  and  Amsterdam,  consulting  with  her  hus- 
band’s friends  In  each  place.  At  Delft  she  saw  Mr. 
Meerman;  at  Leiden,  Vosslus  and  Erpenlus;  at 
Amsterdam,  Burgomaster  Cornells  Hooft  and  his 
son,  the  historian  of  Mulden,^®  whose  ancient  castle, 
which  was  Hooft’s  home,  still  stands,  its  walls 
washed  by  the  waves  of  the  Zuider  Zee,  not  far 
from  Amsterdam.  The  general  advice  of  these  and 
other  friends  was  adverse  to  the  acceptance  of  the 
offer  of  the  King  of  Denmark.  Their  faith  in  Gro- 
tius had  never  wavered,  and  they  believed  that  the 
future  held  better  things  in  store  for  him. 

Having  completed  her  business  in  Holland, 
Madame  de  Groot  arrived  In  MIddelburg  the  last 
of  September  to  spend  some  time  with  her  brothers 
and  sisters,  when  she  received  a letter  from  Gro- 

Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  p.  318. 

« Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  pp.  318,  319. 

« Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  pp.  319,  320. 


i62 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tius’  servant,  Willem  van  den  Velden,  saying  that  her 
husband  was  very  ill/*  Grotius  had  indeed  been 
seized  with  a high  fever  and  dysentery;  and,  as  he 
wrote  to  his  brother,*®  the  attack  confined  him  to 
his  bed  for  three  weeks  and  necessitated  his  being 
bled  four  times.  Madame  de  Groot  herself  also 
was  ill  at  this  time.  Brandt  says  that  her  indis- 
position was  caused  by  the  news  of  her  husband’s 
sickness;  and  as  soon  as  she  was  able  to  travel,  she 
returned  to  Paris,  but  only  to  find  her  husband  much 
better  and  about  once  more. 

While  recuperating,  Grotius  rewrote  parts  of  his 
translation  of  the  “Phoenissae”  of  Euripides,  which 
had  been  lost  during  his  Imprisonment  at  The 
Hague,  and  completed  the  task,  though  the  book 
was  not  published  until  1630.*®  The  preface  states 
that  the  work  was  done  in. prison  as  a relaxation  and 
consolation,  for  he  agreed  with  Timocles,  that 
tragedies  may  serve  to  alleviate  troubles  by  turning 
our  thoughts  to  the  vicissitude  of  human  affairs. 
The  translation  is  in  Latin  verse,  the  three  rules  of 
Greek  tragedy  being  strictly  adhered  to. 

But  we  must  turn  once  more  to  Holland.  On 
April  23rd,  1625,  Prince  Maurice  died,  at  the  age 
of  fifty-eight,  after  an  illness  of  six  months,*^  his 
brother  Frederick  Henry  succeeding  him  as  Stadt- 

« Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  pp.  323,  324. 

October  18th,  1624 ; Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  165. 

It  is  dedicated  to  President  de  Meme ; Burigny’s  “Vie  de 
Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  166. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  166;  from  Mercure 
Francois. 


LITERARY  PRODUCTS  163 

holder.  This  change  raised  the  hopes  of  Grotius 
and  caused  him  to  think  that  the  return  to  his  coun- 
try would  not  now  be  opposed,  for  the  new  Prince 
had  never  manifested  an  antagonism  to  the  Armin- 
ians,  and  had  even  been  thought  secretly  to  favor 
them  and  their  cause.  However,  his  hopes  were 
vain,  for  both  his  own  efforts  and  those  of  his 
friends  to  obtain  permission  for  his  return  were 
futile. 

To  Hoogerbeets,  on  the  contrary,  still  confined  in 
Loevestein,  the  death  of  Maurice  brought  almost  in- 
stant relief,  for,  on  the  30th  of  July,  1625,  the 
States-General  passed  a resolution  giving  him  at 
least  partial  freedom.  After  some  delay  he  was 
removed  from  his  prison,  to  a house  at  Weer,  near 
Wassenaer,  under  surety  from  his  friends,  of  twenty 
thousand  gulden,  or  eight  thousand  dollars,  “not  to 
depart  from  there  or  do  anything  to  the  detriment  of 
the  land.”  However,  this  liberty,  given  to 
Hoogerbeets  after  a confinement  of  almost  seven 
years,  did  the  poor  man  little  good,  for  he  died  and 
found  a greater  freedom,  on  the  27th  of  September, 
1625,  five  weeks  after  he  was  released  from  Loeve- 
stein.*® The  year  of  his  death  has  been  indelibly 
fixed  upon  the  mind  of  the  world  by  the  publication 
of  Grotius’  great  masterpiece  in  the  realm  of  Inter- 
national Law,  “The  Rights  of  War  and  Peace.” 

<8  For  resolution  of  States-General  of  July  30th,  1625,  see 
Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  p.  338. 

« Ibid.,  Bk.  VII,  p.  339. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


THE  “DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS” 

The  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  published — Placed  upon  the 
Papal  Index — Grotius’  indebtedness  to  forerunners — The  devel- 
opment of  the  modern  science  of  International  Law. 

It  was  summer  in  Paris  when  the  “De  Jure  Belli 
ac  Pacis”  first  appeared.  This  book,  dedicated  to 
the  “Most  Christian  King,”  Louis  XIII  of  France, 
and  destined  to  shine  through  succeeding  centuries 
as  a star  of  the  first  magnitude  in  the  realm  of  Inter- 
V national  Law,  was  published  in  June,  1625.^ 

In  November,  1622,  Grotius  had  begun  to  compile 
the  book  which  he  headed  “ad  aliquid  de  jure  com- 
mentandum,”  this  “aliquid”  or  “something”  being 
nothing  other  than  the  plan  of  his  masterpiece.  Yet 
the  winter  of  1622  had  passed  and  the  spring  of 
1623  was  come,  before  he  took  the  text  well  in 
hand.^  But,  so  steadily  and  intensely  did  he  work 
at  it,  that  by  June,  1624,  it  was  almost  completed, 
and  Graswinkel,  who  was  then  staying  with  him, 
helped  him  with  the  transcription.®  In  a little  more 
than  one  year,  therefore,  the  text  of  the  work  which 

1 Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  p.  327. 

2 Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  424. 

3 Ihid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  424. 


164 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS” 


165 


is  generally  regarded  as  the  foundation  of  the 
modern  science  of  International  Law,  was  begun  and 
completed. 

This  statement  would  be  almost  unbelievable,  if 
we  did  not  know  that  the  author  had  long  meditated 
over  the  undertaking,  and  had  read  exhaustively  the 
writings  of  others  upon  the  same  subject.  Although 
Grotius  nowhere  informs  us  that  his  “Jus  Praedae” 
or  “The  Law  of  Spoils”  helped  him  in  the  writing 
of  “The  Rights  of  War  and  Peace,”  it  is  most  prob-*^ 
able  that  he  made  use  of  this  work  of  his  youth  in 
the  preparation  of  his  later  book.  Of  course  there 
was  no  reason  to  mention  the  earlier  work,  for  both 
were  products  of  his  own  mind,  and  the  author  owed 
no  acknowledgment  to  the  public  for  whatever  part 
the  “Jus  Praedae”  played  in  the  production  of  the 
“De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis.”  Also,  we  must  remember 
that  the  former  work  was  unknown  to  the  world 
until  1864,  when  the  manuscript  was  discovered  at 
The  Hague,  for  only  in  his  defense  of  the  “Mare 
Liberum”  or  “Free  Sea”  against  Welwood,  had 
Grotius  mentioned  the  “Jus  Praedae.” 

The  title  of  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  the 
author  took  from  Cicero’s  “Oratio  pro  Balbo”  (cap. 
6)  where  a summary  of  all  the  subjects  of  the  Law 
of  Nations  is  concluded  in  these  words,  “universum 
denique  belli  jus  ac  pacis.”  * As  for  his  motives  for 
writing  this  book,  we  have  Grotius’  own  words. 
“Men  should  do  me  a great  injustice,”  so  he  writes 

* Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  425. 


i66 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


in  his  Prolegomena,  “if  they  supposed  that  I wish 
to  allude  to  a single  question  of  law,  which  is  now 
being  contested  or  would  soon  be  controverted.  As 
the  mathematicians  look  upon  figures,  differentiated 
from  all  existing  matter,  so  I have  discussed  the 
substance  of  the  law,  separated  from  all  practical 
deeds.”  In  his  letters  to  his  friends,  he  gives  no 
other  reasons  for  his  writing,  than  the  desire  which 
animated  him  to  soften  and  to  check  the  ever  in- 
creasing desire  of  princes  and  people  for  the  waging 
of  arbitrary  and  capricious  wars.® 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  give  at  any  length  a 
synopsis  of  the  book.  It  has  been  translated  In  full 
Into  English  as  well  as  into  many  other  languages, 
and  In  various  works  on  International  Law  an 
analysis  of  it  may  be  found.®  In  form,  “The  Rights 
of  War  and  Peace”  is  divided  into  three  parts  or 
books.  The  first  part  deals  with  “the  right  of  war” 
(jus  belli),  and  treats  of  the  different  kinds  of  wars; 
the  second  part  treats  of  the  causes  of  war,  or  the 
violation  of  the  public  or  private  right  which  justi- 
fies the  taking  up  of  arms;  while  the  third  part  deals 
with  the  course  of  war,  considers  what  is  permissible 

5 Ihid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  372. 

® The  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  has  been  translated  from  the 
original  Latin  into  Dutch,  Swedish,  English,  German,  and  French. 
In  a catalogue  entitled  “Le  Droit  International  Public  dans  les 
Pays-Bas,  1596-1913,”  issued  by  Martinus  Nijhoff,  The  Hague,  a 
list  of  the  53  editions  of  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  in  Latin, 
French,  German,  English,  and  Dutch,  is  given. 

Campbell’s  translation  of  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  is  very 
good.  Also,  in  Walker’s  “History  of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol. 
I,  pp.  285-329,  there  is  a rather  full  analysis  of  the  work. 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACTS”  167 

in  war,  and  discusses  the  conventions  or  treaties 
which  end  it. 

When  the  book  appeared  in  Paris  it  was  read  by 
Cardinal  Francis  Barberin,  who  was  residing  there 
as  legate  from  his  uncle,  Pope  Urban  VIIL 
Though  he  was  otherwise  pleased  with  the  work.  It 
shocked  the  Cardinal  because  It  did  not  refer  to  the 
Popes  by  the  Roman  Catholic  titles.  At  Rome,  also, 
the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pads”  received  censure  on  the 
same  grounds,  and,  on  the  4th  of  February,  1627, 
it  was  placed  upon  the  Papal  Index,  and,  with  the 
author’s  Apology  and  Poems,  was  forbidden  to  all 
Catholics.^  This  ban  was  not  lifted  until  1901, 
when  Leo  XIII,  responding  to  the  weight  of  public 
opinion,  caused  the  Inhibition  to  be  removed.  Dr. 
Andrew  D.  White,  President  of  the  American  Dele- 
gation to  The  Hague  Peace  Conference  of  1899,  tells 
us  ® that  Pope  Leo  XIII  applied  for  the  admission 
of  a delegation  to  that  conference,  but  that  the  appli- 
cation was  refused,  among  other  reasons,  because  the 
“De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pads,”  the  book  which  contained 
the  foundational  principles  of  International  arbitra- 
tion, was  still  prohibited  by  the  church. 

The  natural  question  to  ask,  the  very  question  that 
came  to  Vissering  and  Fruin  In  dealing  with  the  “De 
Jure  Praedae,”  Is,  what  is  the  connection  between 

^ Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  177,  178 ; Brandt’s  “Het 
Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  VII,  pp.  330,  331.  For  Grotius’ 
remarks  on  religion  and  heretics  in  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,” 
see  Bk.  II,  c.  XX,  §§  49,  50. 

® A.  D.  White’s  “Seven  Great  Statesmen,”  p.  102. 


i68 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


these  two  books  of  Grotius,  written  with  a gap  of 
twenty  years  between  them?  The  “Jus  Praedae” 
was  written  to  justify  the  war  in  the  Indies,  the  “De 
Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  to  check  the  lust  for  the  waging 
of  wars.  As  Grotius  had  grown  older  his  desire 
for  peace  had  increased  and  he  later  declared  the 
wish  that  he  might  be  able  to  annihilate  all  of  his 
war-poems,  “ista  belli  incitamenta.”  ® 

During  the  twenty  years  which  separated  the  “Jus 
Praedae”  and  the  “Jus  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  Grotius’  opin- 
ion regarding  the  Law  of  Nature  had  remained  al- 
most unchanged.  In  this  time,  only  once,  five  years 
before  the  publication  of  the  later  book,  in  his  “In- 
troduction to  the  Dutch  Law,”  which  had  been  com- 
posed in  Loevestein,  had  Grotius  thus  declared  him- 
self on  this  subject.^®  In  general,  it  seems  that  the 
“Jus  Praedae”  constitutes  a large  part  of  the 
“Jus  Belli,”  to  which  the  “Jus  Pacis”  was  added, 
making  the  arrangement  and  order  a little  con- 
fused. 

Grotius  has  been  criticized  many  times  for  taking 
his  material  from  other  authors,  rephrasing  their 
sentences  but  saying  essentially  the  same  thing.  In 
defense  of  the  author  of  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,” 
it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  Grotius  himself 
realized  this  and  acknowledged  it.  The  answer  is 
to  be  found  in  the  Prolegomena,  the  words  of 
Grotius  reading  as  follows,  “Artis  formam  ei  (juris- 

®Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  429. 

Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  434. 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS”  169 

prudentiae)  imponere  multi  antehac  destinarunt: 
perfecit  nemo.” 

Albericus  Gentilis,  an  Italian  Protestant,  who  died 
as  Professor  at  Oxford  in  1608,^^  is  the  author  of  a 
“De  Jure  Belli,”  and  it  has  been  said  that  Grotius 
obtained  much  of  his  material  from  him.  No  doubt 
the  arrangement  of  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  of 
Grotius  is  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  “De  Jure 
Belli”  of  Gentilis,  yet  the  order  and  reasoning  of 
Grotius  are  better  than  those  of  Gentilis.  The 
Dutch  publicist  stood  with  relation  to  Gentilis  just 
as  he  stood  to  many  authors  who  had  written  on  the 
same  subject;  he  certainly  knew  their  works  and  used 
them,  but  he  brought  order  out  of  chaos,  light  where 
darkness  was. 

To  Franciscus  Victoria,  who  wrote  between  1530 
and  1 540,  Grotius  also  is  indebted,  for  among  Vic- 
toria’s “Relectiones”  are  found  two  treatises,  the 
“De  Indis  noviter  inventis,”  and  the  “De  Jure 
Belli.”  “For  Protestant  theology,”  writes  Fruin, 
“the  theological  proofs  of  the  Dominican  Monk 
naturally  were  not  satisfying.  But  the  theologian 
had  a noble  and  peace  loving  heart,  a mind  for  truth 
and  right,  and  his  deductions  were  just  throughout.” 

Grotius  is  also  indebted  to  Covarruvias  and  Vas- 
quius,  the  Spanish  jurists,  a debt  which  he  gratefully 

Prolegomena,  § 30,  p.  xxii,  of  the  edition  of  “De  Jure  Belli 
ac  Pacis,”  1773. 

12  Walker’s  “History  of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol.  I,  p.  274, 
note  1. 

12  Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  431 ; Walker’s 
“History  of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol.  I,  pp.  214^230. 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


170 

acknowledged.  The  first,  who  died  as  Counsellor 
In  the  Court  of  Grenada  in  1577,  was  the  author  of 
a work  concerning  governmental  authority,  deter- 
mining the  latter’s  right  to  wage  war.^*  The  second 
of  these  men,  Fernandus  Vasquius,  also  a counsellor 
in  the  Spanish  court  of  law,  died  in  1566,  and  left, 
as  proof  of  his  greatness,  the  “Illustrlum  Contro- 
verslarum  aliorumque  usu  frequentium  Libri  tres.” 
From  both  these  writers  Grotius  has  taken  some 
material,  but  in  his  “Rights  of  War  and  Peace,”  he 
speaks  of  the  lawyer  and  philosopher  Vasquius  with 
respect,  and  in  his  “Law  of  Spoils”  with  admiration. 
“Vasquius,”  he  says  there,  “the  jewel  of  Spain,  in 
whom  we  never  lose  sagaciousness  in  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  law,  nor  frankness  in  the  teaching  of 
truth.” 

As  for  Winkler’s  “Principia  juris,”  which  had  ap- 
peared ten  years  before  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pads,” 
“it  must  be  recognized  that  Grotius  knew  nothing 
of  Winkler,  or  any  other  of  the  German  writers,  and 
that  he  has  borrowed  nothing  from  them.” 

So  we  see  that  the  masterpiece  of  Grotius  was 
something  more  than  a mere  compilation  of  the 
thoughts  of  men  who  had  lived  and  written  before 
him.  From  the  poets,  historians,  theologians,  and 
jurists  of  all  the  ages  which  preceded  him,  Grotius 
had  taken  the  best,  discarded  the  rest,  and  had 

Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  432. 

For  the  editions  and  analysis  of  this  work,  see  Walker’s 
“History  of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol.  I,  p.  245. 

Fruin’s  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  vol.  Ill,  p.  432. 

Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  434. 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS” 


171 

woven,  with  his  great  mind,  these  varied  teachings 
into  an  harmonious  whole — a working  system  of 
International  Law. 

That  the  author  of  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis” 
went  back  to  the  ancients,  through  history  sacred  and 
profane,  is  not  at  all  strange.  These  were  the  only 
authorities  which  would  carry  any  weight,  for  the 
system  of  reporting  cases  was  not  yet  in  extensive 
use,  and  an  “international  mind”  had  not  yet  been 
developed  which  would  cause  the  conclusions  of  a 
question  involving,  say,  two  countries,  to  be  recog- 
nized by  a third,  not  interested  therein.  The 
ancients,  in  1600,  always  carried  conviction  with 
them,  and  the  logical  deductions  from  them  were 
authoritative. 

“Modern  International  Law  may  date  its  begin- 
nings as  a distinct  branch  of  scientific  study  from  the 
labors  of  Hugo  Grotius.”  Does  Grotius,  then, 
deserve  the  title  of  “Father  of  International  Law,” 
a name  which  has  many  times  been  given  to  the  great 
statesman  and  jurist?  Although  one  looks  upon 
Grotius,  the  man  who  lived  three  hundred  years 
ago,  the  man  who  still  lives  in  his  works  to  the 
present  day,  with  profoundest  admiration,  he  cer- 
tainly cannot  truthfully  be  said  to  have  created  the 
Law  of  Nature.  But  he  combined  with  it  and  to 
a great  extent  founded  upon  it  the  law  of  nations, 
and  in  that  manner  constructed  principles  which  re- 
main remarkably  true  to-day.  In  this  sense  he  may 

Walker’s  “History  of  the  Law  of  Nations,”  vol.  I,  p.  336. 


172 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


be  called  the  Father  of  International  Law,  although 
some  have  preferred  to  speak  of  him  as  its  Dis- 
covererd® 

A very  imperfect  “law  between  nations”  had  been 
left  as  an  heritage  by  the  Hebrew  Tribes;  by  the 
Greeks,  the  Romans,  the  Popes,  and  the  merchants 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  by  Machiavelli.  But  the 
Hebrews  had  disregarded  all  rules  of  humanity  in 
their  warfare  against  their  neighbors.  Conquest 
was  followed  by  the  burning  of  cities,  and  the 
massacre  and  enslaving  of  men,  women,  and  children, 
with  a justification  no  less  than  the  laws  of  Moses 
and  the  Psalms  and  Prophecies  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. The  warfare  of  the  Greeks  against  foreign 
nations  had  been  no  less  barbarous,  although  among 
themselves  principles  of  justice  and  humanity  had 
begun  to  creep  in,  by  the  substitution  of  slavery  and 
ransom  for  the  murder  of  prisoners. 

The  Roman  Republic,  fighting  for  existence 
against  hostile  tribes  of  barbarians,  was  in  no  posi- 
tion to  change  these  methods  of  warfare,  but  the 
Empire  sought  to  extend  its  system  of  Civil  Law  to 
the  conquered.  The  barbarous  tribes  of  those  days, 
however,  were  not  easily  absorbed  in  the  conquer- 
ing civilization.  A system  of  law  had  to  be  devised 
for  them;  and  although  the  Roman  lawyers  “refused 
to  decide  the  new  cases  by  pure  Roman  Civil  Law,” 

H.  J.  Hamaker,  in  his  “Verspreide  Geschriften,”  part  VI,  on 
“International  Private  Law”  (“Beschouwingen  over  en  naar 
aanleiding  van  Hugo  de  Groot’s  ‘Jus  Belli  ac  Pacis,’  1883”),  uses 
the  word  with  reference  to  Grotius. 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS” 


173 


they  constructed  a code  of  rules  common  both  to 
Rome  and  to  the  various  Italian  tribes  into  which 
the  alien  elements  were  brought,  a “jus  gentium,”  a 
law  common  to  all  nations  the  Romans  were  con- 
cerned with.^°  The  Roman  jurist  no  doubt  looked 
upon  the  “jus  gentium”  with  the  same  contempt  with 
which  he  gazed  upon  the  foreigner.  It  was  some- 
thing forced  upon  him  by  political  necessity,  foreign 
to  his  system  of  law,  and  therefore  little  to  be  re- 
spected. But  an  evolution  was  to  take  place,  as 
a result  of  which  this  disdained  “jus  gentium”  was 
to  become  a model,  imperfectly  developed,  but  to 
which  all  law  ought  as  far  as  possible,  to  conform. 
The  real  “crisis  arrived  when  the  Greek  theory  of 
a Law  of  Nature,  ‘Jus  Naturale,’  was  applied  to  the 
practical  Roman  administration  of  the  Law  common 
to  all  Nations.” 

The  word  Nature,  in  the  Greek  sense,  at  first 
meant  “the  physical  world  regarded  as  the  result  of 
some  primordial  element  or  law,”  but  later  it  in- 
cluded both  physical  and  moral  considerations.  To 
live  according  to  nature  was,  to  the  Greek  mind,  to 
live  above  “disorderly  habits  and  the  vulgar,”  in  a 
higher  stratum  of  society,  where  self-denial  and  self- 
command  should  dominate,  the  very  essence  of  the 
Stoic  philosophy.  And  after  this  conception  of  Na- 
ture became  thoroughly  assimilated  in  the  Roman 
life,  the  lawyers  began  to  think  “that  the  old  ‘Jus 

20  Pollock’s  “Maine’s  Ancient  Law,”  p.  47. 

21  Ibid.,  pp.  49,  SO. 

22  Ibid.,  p.  51. 


174 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Gentium’  was  in  fact  the  lost  code  of  Nature,  and 
that  the  Praetor  in  framing  an  Edictal  jurisprudence 
on  the  principles  of  the  ‘Jus  Gentium’  was  gradually 
restoring  a type  from  which  law  had  only  departed 
to  deteriorate.”  So  the  “Jus  Naturale”  or  Law 
of  Nature  is  simply  the  “Jus  Gentium”  or  Law  of 
Nations,  revealed  in  a peculiar  light.  Their  point  of 
contact  seems  to  be  through  “Aequitas”  or  Equity 
in  its  original  sense. The  difference  between  the 
two  is  entirely  historical,  and  no  fundamental  distinc- 
tion can  be  established  between  them.  But  the  Law 
of  Nations  began  to  take  on  the  aspect  of  a law  be- 
tween nations  and  the  “Jus  Gentium,”  “Jus  Na- 
turale,” and  the  “Jus  Feciale”  (the  law  of  negotia- 
tion) became  much  confused,  in  which  state  they 
remain,  in  a measure,  to  this  day. 

If  the  Mediaeval  Empire  in  Northern  Europe  had 
proved  as  strong  as  its  founder,  we  might  to-day 
have  preserved  to  us  a Germanic  Code  as  strong 
as  the  Roman  Code  has  been.  But  the  Empire  of 
Charlemagne  was  a huge  anachronism,  and,  when  it 
fell,  it  carried  down  with  it  the  increment  of  progress 
in  International  Law.  Though  it  called  itself  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  it  was  neither  Holy,  Roman, 
nor  Empire,  so  decayed  was  it;  and  when,  in  1806, 
it  fell,  no  one  heard  the  sound.^® 

Ibid.,  p.  54. 

2^  For  a discussion  of  this  see  Pollock’s  “Maine’s  Ancient  Law," 
pp.  55-69. 

25  See  Ford’s  “Rise  and  Growth  of  American  Politics,”  p.  19; 
also  Ford’s  “The  Cost  of  Our  National  Government,”  p.  79, 
note  1. 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS” 


175 


During  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  the 
Church  took  up  the  burden  of  carrying  forward  the 
more  humane  law  to  govern  warfare.  The  “Truce 
of  God”  was  a result  of  the  untiring  effort  of  the 
Church  to  secure  peace,  forbidding,  as  it  did,  all 
hostilities  from  Thursday  night  until  Monday  morn- 
ing, as  well  as  on  the  numerous  fast  days.^® 

But  the  lust  for  earthly  goods  ate  its  way  into  the 
heart  of  the  Church,  and  the  Popes  were  no  longer 
fit  to  administer  peace,  as  the  highest  tribunal.  In 
1268  Conradin,  a sixteen  year  old  boy,  the  last  of 
the  Hohenstaufen  line,  who  had  been  captured  at 
Tagliacozzo,  was  beheaded  at  Naples  virtually  by 
order  of  the  Pope.  Pope  Pius  V openly  commanded 
Catherine  de  Medici,  Charles  IX,  and  the  Duke  of 
Anjou  not  only  to  persecute  but  also  to  massacre 
every  Huguenot  in  France,  while  Gregory  XIII  re- 
joiced with  thanksgiving  in  his  Papal  Palace  at 
Rome,  upon  hearing  the  good  news,  and  caused  a 
medal  commemorating  the  event  to  be  struck  off  for 
circulation  through  Europe. 

The  intolerance  of  the  Popes  had  unfitted  them  to 
hold  the  place  of  international  arbiters^  Their 
statement  that  “no  faith  is  to  be  kept  with  heretics” 
was  the  essence  of  their  doctrine,  and  they  held 
tenaciously  to  the  teaching  that  a peace  between 
Catholics  and  heretics  was  as  impossible  as  an  agree- 
ment between  light  and  darkness,  or  heat  and  cold. 

26  Issued  by  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  in  1083.  See  Robin- 
son’s “Readings  in  European  History,”  ch.  IX. 


176 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Moreover,  the  Popes  exercised  the  power  to  absolve 
treaty-makers  from  their  oaths — exercised  it  by  al- 
most forcing  Francis  I of  France  to  break  his  oath, 
given  in  the  treaty  of  Madrid,  to  Charles  V in  1526; 
exercised  it,  after  Grotius’  death,  by  endeavoring  in 
all  ways,  fair  and  foul,  to  cause  the  signatories  of  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia  to  break  their  oaths.  Nor  was 
the  Catholic  Church  solely  at  fault;  for  the  breaking 
of  oaths  was  also  countenanced  and  practiced  by  the 
Reformed  Church,  which  waged  war  over  theolog- 
ical quibbles,  even  against  fellow  Protestants. 
Truly,  there  was  no  hope,  after  the  Reformation, 
for  a religious  international  tribunal. 

Nevertheless,  there  was  a ray  of  light  shining 
through  this  wall  of  darkness;  for,  although  the 
Germanic  Empire  and  the  Church  had  failed  to 
bear  their  “white  man’s  burden,”  a few  merchants 
had  succeeded  in  establishing  some  maritime  codes, 
such  as  the  “Rooles  d’  Oleron,”  the  “Consolato  del 
Mare,”  the  “Laws  of  Wisby,”  and  the  “Customs 
of  Amsterdam”;  and  the  forerunners  of  Grotius, 
heretofore  mentioned,  had  contributed  to  the  great 
movement.  Finally,  Grotius  heard  the  call  and  an- 
swered it.  Nor  was  his  task  a light  one.  The  di- 
plomacy of  the  time  was  the  hideous,  lying  diplomacy 
of  Machiavelli’s  “Prince,”  having  for  its  hero  the 
despicable  Cesare  Borgia,  son  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander VI.  Monstrous  crimes  were  committed  by 

2'?  The  Laws  of  Wisby  are  sometimes  called  the  “Gotland  Sea 
Laws,”  since  they  were  adopted  by  the  town  of  Wisby,  in  the 
island  of  Gotland,  in  the  Baltic  Sea. 


“DE  JURE  BELLI  AC  PACIS” 


177 


Catherine  de  Medici  In  France,  by  Philip  II  and  the 
Dutch  in  the  Netherlands,^®  and  by  Tilly  and  Wal- 
lenstein in  Germany.  Truly  the  world  was  in  need 
of  a Grotius.  One  has  but  to  compare  Machiavelll’s 
“Prince”  with  Grotius’  “Rights  of  War  and  Peace” 
to  realize  the  great  step  the  Dutch  jurist  took  in  the 
very  face  of  all  Europe,  the  one  book  founded  upon 
deceit  and  trickery,  the  other  on  justice  and  truth. 

Grotius  has  been  criticized  severely  for  basing  his 
arguments  too  much  upon  the  Law  of  Nature  and 
not  enough  upon  the  Law  of  Nations.  Freely  ad- 
mitting, as  we  must,  that  a proposition  cannot  be  cor- 
rect in  theory  and  incorrect  in  practice,  and  con- 
versely, it  is  submitted,  nevertheless,  that  a proposi- 
tion may  be  right  in  theory  and  yet  inexpedient. 
Human  progress  has  most  often  been  attained  by 
means  of  a compromise  between  what  may  have 
been  right  and  what  was  certainly  expedient.  But 
the  expedient  is  frequently  easier  of  discernment  and 
of  action  than  the  right,  and,  in  international  rela- 
tions it  has  been  the  Law  of  Nature,  in  which  Grotius 
sought  support,  that  has  prevented  the  law  between 
nations  from  deteriorating  into  mere  rules  of  ex- 
pediency. 

28  The  methods  of  the  Spaniards  are  well  known.  For  an  ac- 
count of  Dutch  atrocities,  see  Motley’s  “History  of  the  United 
Netherlands,”  vol.  IV,  pp.  229,  230. 


CHAPTER  IX 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  AND  AP- 
POINTMENT AS  AMBASSADOR 


Grotius’  financial  difficulties — He  returns  to  Holland — But  is 
forced  to  leave  for  Hamburg — The  Thirty  Years’  War — Grotius 
is  appointed  Ambassador  from  Sweden  to  France. 

Having  wandered  somewhat  afield  in  our  discus- 
sions, let  us  now  return  to  the  course  of  our  nar- 
rative. 

Long  before  the  publication  of  his  greatest  work, 
Grotius  was  growing  tired  of  Paris,  where  his  pen- 
sion, if  paid  at  all,  was  always  late,  and  was  at  best 
hardly  enough  to  live  upon.  On  July  12th,  1623, 
he  had  written  to  his  brother  that  he  would  accept 
a good  position  elsewhere,  if  any  were  available, 
and  this  thought  had  continued  in  his  mind  through 
the  years  1624  and  1625.^  Yet  he  had  thought  it 
best  to  decline  the  offers  of  the  Prince  of  Holstein 
and  the  King  of  Denmark,  in  1624,  hoping  no  doubt, 
that  a greater  opportunity  would  present  itself  else- 
where. 

When  Cardinal  Richelieu  became  the  Principal 
Minister  of  Louis  XIII  in  1624,  he  held  out  tempt- 
ing offers  to  Grotius,  if  the  latter  would  devote  him- 
1 Ep.  58,  p.  771. 


178 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


179 


self  entirely  to  the  interests  of  France  and  sever  his 
connection,  which  was  now  one  of  sentiment  only, 
with  the  country  of  his  birth.  But  this  Grotius  re- 
fused to  do.  “I  am  very  sorry,”  he  writes  to  du 
Maurier,  “that  I can  be  of  no  use  to  the  Kingdom 
of  France  where  I have  found  refuge,  but  I must 
adhere  to  my  former  way  of  thinking.”  ^ 

In  these  circumstances,  life  in  Paris  became  less 
and  less  endurable  to  Grotius  and  his  family;  and 
their  situation  was  not  Improved  when  the  Seals 
were  given  to  Marillac,  an  open  enemy  of  all  Prot- 
estants. Accordingly,  we  find  Grotius  writing  to 
his  brother  on  July  17th,  1626,  and  to  du  Maurier 
on  September  19th  of  the  same  year,  that  his  pen- 
sion had  been  unpaid  for  two  years  and  that  it  had 
become  almost  necessary  to  find  a residence  else- 
where.® On  the  4th  of  January,  1630,  he  wrote  to 
his  brother,  “I  am  seriously  thinking  of  settling  In 
some  place  where  I may  live  more  commodlously 
with  my  family,”  and  before  December  of  that 
year  had  passed,  he  was  fully  resolved  to  leave 
France.^ 

Before  the  death  of  Prince  Maurice,  Frederick 
Henry  of  Nassau  had  displayed  a very  friendly  atti- 
tude toward  Grotius,  and  had  even  expressed  the 
hope  that  time  would  bring  about  a change  which 
would  result  in  the  reestablishment  of  Grotius  in 

2 Ep.  249,  p.  84. 

2 Ep.  128,  p.  792,  and  Ep.  67,  p.  774 ; 219,  p.  76 ; Burigny’s  “Vie 
de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  183. 

* Ep.  226,  p.  823 ; Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  184. 
See  letter  of  December  27th,  1630;  Ep.  267,  p.  836. 


i8o 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Holland,  In  the  occupation  of  the  honored  position 
he  deserved  there.  But  the  results  of  a trip  of 
Madame  Grotius  to  Holland  In  the  spring  of  1627 
were  not  very  promising,  and  on  February  21st, 
1630,  his  brother  wrote  that  the  efforts  of  his  friends 
to  have  him  received  again  In  Holland  had  been 
fruitless.®  The  prospects  seemed  to  be  altogether 
unpropitlous  for  an  attempt  to  return  to  the  country 
he  still  loved;  yet,  encouraged  by  his  wife,  and  by 
the  recovery  of  some  of  his  confiscated  estate,  he 
set  out  for  Holland  In  October,  1631,  on  a French 
ship  which  landed  him  In  Zeeland,  whence  he 
traveled  to  Rotterdam,  where  he  arrived  towards 
the  end  of  the  month.®  As  the  sentence  against  him 
was  still  In  force,  he  was  obliged  to  restrict  his 
movements  to  the  circle  of  friends.  In  Rotterdam 
the  Magistrates  were  afraid  to  call  upon  him  openly, 
and  advised  him  not  to  appear  in  public,  as  there 
might  be  someone,  even  in  the  town  where  he  had 
served  the  people  so  faithfully,  who,  for  the  sake 
of  the  reward  offered  nine  years  before  for  his  ar- 
rest, would  cause  him  to  be  apprehended. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  finest  portrait  we  have 
of  Grotius  was  made.  At  the  request  of  his  friends, 
he  was  painted  by  the  artist  Michiel  Mierevelt,  in 
Delft;  and  it  was  from  this  painting  that  the  artist’s 
son-in-law,  Willem  Delf,  jnade  the  etching  which 

® Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  186,  187. 

® Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IX,  p.  405 ; 
Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  188. 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  i8i 

has  become  famous.  Under  the  protrait  was  placed 
a verse  by  the  great  Dutch  poet,  Vondel,  a worthy 
tribute  to  his  friend.^ 

But  Grotius  was  not  long  to  remain  in  even  com- 
parative peace,  for,  on  the  loth  of  December,  1631, 
the  States-General  issued  a proclamation  ordering 
all  the  bailiffs  in  the  country  to  arrest  the  fugitive 
from  justice.®  Again,  however,  the  authorities  were 
outwitted,  for  the  loth  of  December  found  him  no 
longer  in  Rotterdam.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the 
9th  he  had  quietly  slipped  out  of  the  town,  bound 
for  Amsterdam,  having  instructed  his  faithful  ser- 
vant to  go  to  Delft  in  order  to  give  the  appearance 
that  his  master  had  departed.®  He  arrived  the 
same  day  in  Amsterdam  and  took  lodging  in  the 
house  of  Mr.  Joost  Brasser,  receiving  his  friends 
and  relatives  there. But  conditions  did  not  im- 
prove. All  efforts  to  secure  his  reestablishment  in 
his  own  country  failed;  and  even  Prince  Frederick, 
foreseeing  in  Grotius  an  obstacle  in  the  path  to 
supreme  power,  turned  against  him  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that,  on  the  4th  of  August,  1622,  he  had  signed 
himself  in  a letter  to  Grotius,  “I  am  yours  most  af- 
fectionately to  serve.” 

On  the  17th  of  April,  1632,  Grotius  left  Amster- 

^ Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IX,  p.  415. 

^ Ibid.,  Bk.  IX,  p.  419.  This  resolution  was  followed  by  many 
others,  all  directed  against  Grotius. 

9 Ibid.,  Bk.  IX,  p.  424. 

10  Ibid.,  Bk.  IX,  p.  425. 

Ecc.  et  Theo.  Ep.  419,  p.  683. 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


182 

dam  for  Hamburg/^  He  arrived  at  Hamburg 
toward  the  end  of  the  year,  after  having  passed  the 
summer  at  the  country  seat,  called  Ockinhuyse,  of 
a friend,  William  Moor,^®  where  his  wife,  who  had 
been  in  Zeeland,  rejoined  him.  On  the  17th  of 
August,  1632,  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Vossius:  “Op- 
pressed by  the  violence  of  my  enemies,  to  whom  shall 
I turn  for  refuge,  if  not  to  her  who  has  always  been 
the  faithful  companion  of  my  good  and  bad  fortune, 
and  to  you  who  have  given  me  public  token  of  your 
friendship  in  my  greatest  misfortune?” 

Before  passing  on  to  the  remaining  years  of 
Grotius’  life,  I venture  to  insert  here  a translation 
of  a letter  written  by  him  to  his  brother-in-law, 
which  is  worthy  of  reproduction  in  its  entirety.  It 
was  written  on  the  13th  of  December,  1631,  just 
three  days  after  the  order  for  his  arrest  had  been 
sent  throughout  the  country.  It  reads  as  fol- 
lows : 

*‘fVorthy  Brother: 

“I  wonder  very  much  at  the  turbulence  of  so  many 
members  of  the  Assembly  and  the  great  bitterness 
shown  against  me.  After  so  long  an  imprisonment, 
after  confiscation  of  my  property,  during  an  absence 

12  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IX,  p.  442. 
Burigny,  in  his  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  196,  places  the  date 
of  departure  as  the  17th  of  March,  1632. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  196. 

1*  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  197,  quoting  Ep.  298, 

p.  108. 

13  This  letter,  in  Dutch,  may  be  found  in  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven 
van  Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  IX,  pp.  422,  423. 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


183 


from  my  country  of  ten  years,  in  the  midst  of  many 
wrongs  and  injuries,  to  me  and  all  of  mine,  I have 
sought  all  opportunities  to  serve  the  Land  and  all 
classes  of  its  inhabitants,  as  far  as  I was  able.  Is 
it  not  fitting  that  all  their  hearts  should  have 
softened?  The  labor  I have  spent  in  order  to  make 
known  to  all  our  people  their  paternal  laws  to  the 
honor  and  glory  of  Holland,  well  deserves,  I think, 
that  they  had  sent  me  a ship  in  which  to  come  home, 
even  as  the  people  of  Athens,  in  former  times,  did 
for  Demosthenes  for  a lesser  service.  With  much 
more  reason  still  must  the  Hollanders  comprehend 
that  I,  after  the  example  of  so  many  others,  who 
also  were  wrongly  dealt  with  by  resolutions  and 
proclamations,  wish  to  enjoy  the  air  of  my  Father- 
land  and  the  sight  of  my  aged  parents,  who  have  so 
long  longed  for  me.  God  be  praised,  that  He  still 
allows  many  opportunities  for  me  to  dwell  in  other 
places  with  honor  and  profit,  lest  I continually  need 
to  sorrow  in  the  cruelty  and  ingratitude  of  my  fellow 
countrymen;  and,  if  affairs  go  on  like  this,  may  He 
justify  me  in  saying  with  Scipio:  ‘Oh,  ungrateful 
Fatherland,  you  shall  not  even  have  my  bones.’ 
To  make  any  request,  I now  find  much  more  un- 
advisable  than  before,  for  it  will  appear  to  be  ex- 
torted by  fear  of  the  reward  which  they  propose 
to  give  to  those  who  would  harm  me.  A noble  heart 
must  do  nothing  through  fear.  My  life,  my  free- 
dom, stand  in  God’s  hands.  More  than  He  permits, 

“O,  ingrata  patria,  nec  ossa  quidem  mea  habebis.” 


184 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


the  evil  of  men  cannot  do;  and  if  He  allows  it,  it  is 
for  the  best,  if  we  only  walk  uprightly  through  life : 
as,  in  this  journey,  I had  no  other  purpose  than  to 
discharge  the  duty  I owed  to  my  parents  and  to 
give  some  evidence  of  my  longing  for  the  Father- 
land.  I trust  firmly  that  his  Princely  Excellency, 
for  whose  honor  and  good  name  I have  wished  from 
my  childhood  and,  as  far  as  possible,  have  sought, 
will  perceive,  with  fairness  and  affection,  my  inno- 
cent and  sincere  love  for  the  Fatherland,  and  for 
his  illustrious  house  and  person,  and  will  not  find 
it  good,  that  people,  by  retarding  the  common  ad- 
vantage, should  urge  the  most  reasonable  members 
of  Holland  to  oppress  me  and  to  make  me  eternally 
useless  to  my  country  and  my  friends. 

“Your  obedient  brother, 

“H.  DE  GrOOT. 

“The  13th  of  December,  1631.” 

The  winter  in  Hamburg  was  spent  at  the  house 
of  a merchant,  named  Leonard  van  Sorgen,  whose 
brother,  Nicolas,  was  a lawyer  at  The  Hague. 
From  Hamburg  Grotius  wrote  to  the  Court  of 
France,  saying  that  he  could  no  longer  justly  accept 
money  from  the  King,  but  that  he  should  never 
forget  the  kindness  of  King  Louis  and  of  his  many 
friends.  His  wife  had  gone  to  Zeeland,  he  said, 
“to  collect  the  remains  of  our  shipwreck,  but  I do 
not  know  into  what  haven  we  shall  bring  it.” 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  198. 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


185 


Grotius’  life  in  Hamburg  affords  little  that  is  of 
interest.  He  seems  to  have  occupied  himself  with 
the  education  of  his  host’s  two  sons,  and  to  have 
supervised  the  studies  of  pupils  in  groups  of  ten 
or  twelve,  so  that  he  might  learn  their  aptitudes  and 
enable  them  to  learn  from  each  other.  However, 
the  death  of  his  landlord  on  the  12th  of  August, 
1633,  made  a change  of  residence  necessary,  and 
he  went  to  live  with  a Dutchman,  Assuerus  Mathis- 
ius,  formerly  a clergyman  at  Deventer,  who,  having 
left  Holland  during  the  theological  turmoil,  subse- 
quently married  a wealthy  widow  of  Hamburg. 
There  Grotius  passed  his  time  in  writing  his 
“Sophomphaneas,”  or  “Tragedy  of  Joseph,”  which 
he  finished  before  he  left  the  city.^® 

During  Grotius’  residence  in  Hamburg,  influential 
men  over  all  of  Europe  endeavored  to  secure  his 
services  for  their  respective  countries;  and  it  was  in 
Hamburg  that  he  met  and  conversed  with  Salvius, 
Vice-Chancellor  of  Sweden,  a meeting  which  resulted 
in  the  appointment  of  Grotius  as  Ambassador  from 
that  country  to  the  Court  of  Louis  XIII  of  France.^® 

The  period  into  which  the  diplomatic  activities  of 
Grotius  fell  was  the  latter  part  of  the  Thirty  Years’ 
War,  commonly  called  the  last  religious  war  of 
Europe;  a war  which,  beginning  in  1618  had  in- 
volved the  greater  part  of  the  continent  in  ruin 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  201,  202;  Brandt’s  “Het 
Leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,  ” Bk.  X,  pp.  451,  452;  Ep.  337,  p.  122. 

19  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  202,  203. 


i86 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


and  desolation.  In  order  to  understand  the  work 
of  Grotlus  as  a diplomatist,  it  is  necessary  to  review 
briefly  the  events  of  this  momentous  struggle  up  to 
the  time  of  his  entry  into  the  diplomatic  activities 
to  which  it  gave  rise. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century  the  contest 
between  Protestants  and  Catholics  had  reached  the 
danger  point,  but  the  tension  was  greatly  increased 
when  the  Protestants,  angered  at  the  course  of  the 
Emperor  Rudolph  in  placing  an  armed  force  in  the 
free  city  of  Donauwbrth  for  the  support  of  Catholi- 
cism, formed  the  Calvinist  Union  of  1608,  and  the 
Duke  of  Bavaria  retorted  by  associating  himself 
with  bishops  and  abbots  in  a Catholic  League  in 
1609.^°  But  the  event  which  finally  precipitated 
the  conflict  took  place  in  Bohemia.  This  Kingdom, 
recently  added  to  the  dominions  of  the  House  of 
Hapsburg,  had  heard  the  voice  of  Luther  across 
the  border,  in  Saxony,  and  embraced  in  its  popula- 
tion many  Protestants,  to  whom  Rudolph,  in  1609, 
granted  a limited  toleration.  This  concession,  how- 
ever, was  grudgingly  carried  out,  and  in  1618  the 
Protestants,  incensed  at  the  duplicity  of  Rudolph’s 
successor,  Matthias, rose  in  revolt.  The  insur- 
gents attacked  the  castle  at  Prague,  in  which  the 
governors  representing  the  Emperor  were  sitting, 
and  threw  two  of  them  and  their  secretary  out  of 

20  This  outline  is  taken  from  Schwill’s  “Political  History  of 
Modern  Europe.”  For  a fuller  account,  see  Wakeman’s  “Euro- 
pean History,  1598-1715.” 

21  Emperor  Rudolph  had  died  in  1612,  and  Matthias  had  been 
elected  in  his  place. 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


187 


the  window.  The  fall  was  seventy  feet,  but  no 
one  was  killed,  either  because  of  the  soft  refuse 
which  had  accumulated  in  the  moat,  or  because, 
as  some  alleged,  of  the  intervention  of  the  Virgin 
Mary.  However  this  may  be,  the  insurgents  set 
up  their  own  government,  and,  although  the  incident 
was  purely  local,  it  proved  to  be  the  match  which 
lighted  the  fuse  of  the  Thirty  Years’  War. 

This  struggle,  which  was  really  an  aggregation 
of  wars,  falls  naturally  into  five  periods : 

1.  The  Bohemian  Period,  1618—1620. 

11.  The  Palatine  Period,  1621—1623. 

III.  The  Danish  Period,  1625—1629. 

IV.  The  Swedish  Period,  1630-1635. 

V.  The  French  Period,  1635—1648. 

We  can  thus  see  how  the  struggle,  beginning  in 
Bohemia,  gradually  involved  all  of  continental  Eu- 
rope, spreading  into  Southern  Germany  and  the 
Palatinate,  then  into  Northern  Germany  and  its 
Protestant  neighbor,  Denmark,  and  later  into 
Sweden,  until  the  war,  though  still  a German  civil 
struggle,  became  also  an  European  conflict  between 
Protestantism  and  Catholicism,  and,  to  a great  ex- 
tent, a struggle  for  supremacy  between  the  two 
great  ruling  houses  of  Europe,  those  of  Hapsburg 
and  Bourbon.  In  the  first  period  the  Elector 
Frederick,  whom  the  revolutionists  crowned  King 
at  Prague  on  November  4th,  1619,  attacked  Em- 
peror Ferdinand  II,  successor  of  Matthias  and 


i88 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


leader  of  the  Catholic  cause. But  Frederick  was 
a man  of  feeble  mentality,  whose  acts,  when  they 
exhibited  any  energy,  seem  to  have  been  inspired 
by  his  wife,  and  in  1620  he  met  at  Prague  with  a 
crushing  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Tilly,  who  was  in 
the  employ  of  the  Catholic  League.  The  Emperor 
Ferdinand,  moreover,  deprived  Frederick  of  his 
electoral  title  and  authorized  Maximilian,  Duke  of 
Bavaria  and  head  of  the  Catholic  League,  to  take 
possession  of  the  Palatinate.  The  leadership  of 
the  Protestant  cause  naturally  fell  to  England,  be- 
cause of  Elizabeth’s  Protestant  leanings  and  because 
James  I,  the  reigning  King,  was  the  father-in-law  of 
Frederick.  But  James  was  not  anxious  to  fight, 
and,  with  the  promise  of  a subsidy,  he  finally  induced 
Christian  IV  of  Denmark  to  head  a Protestant  at- 
tack. In  1625  Christian  took  the  field,  only  to  be 
crushed  in  one  campaign  by  the  forces  of  Tilly  and 
Wallenstein;  and  in  1629  he  was  thankful  to  sign 
the  Peace  of  Liibeck  which  gave  him  back  his  Danish 
territories  upon  his  promise  to  remain  at  home. 

But  in  1630  Emperor  Ferdinand  made  the  fatal 
mistake  of  dismissing  the  ambitious  Wallenstein, 
just  at  the  time  when  the  Edict  of  Restitution  of 
March,  1629,  “the  high-water  mark  of  Catholic  suc- 
cess,” had  united  all  of  Protestant  Europe  against 
him.  It  was  then  that  Gustavus  Adolphus,  the 
greatest  figure  of  the  Thirty  Years’  War,  appeared 

22  Matthias  died  in  March,  1619,  and  Ferdinand  II  followed  him 
as  Emperor. 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


189 


upon  the  scene  at  the  head  of  an  army.  Richelieu, 
having  put  down  the  Huguenots,  was  now  free  to  ex- 
tend his  foreign  policy,  and,  welcoming  the  forces 
of  Sweden  which  would  weaken  the  Hapsburg  power 
in  the  East,  he  concluded  the  Treaty  of  Barwalde 
with  the  Swedish  King,  January  23rd,  1631,  by 
which  France  was  to  pay  the  King  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars  for  six  years  on  condition  that 
Gustavus  maintain  an  army  of  thirty-six  thousand 
men."* 

In  September,  1631,  Gustavus  decisively  defeated 
Tilly  at  Breitenfeld,  and,  at  Liitzen,  November  i6th, 
1632,  he  defeated  Wallenstein  (once  more  fighting 
for  Ferdinand),  but  his  bravery  had  carried  him  too 
far  into  the  enemy’s  cavalry  and  he  was  surrounded 
and  slain.  Two  years  later,  in  February,  1634, 
Wallenstein  was  murdered  for  the  treason  of  which 
he  had  been  guilty  after  Liitzen.  With  Gustavus 
Adolphus  there  also  died  the  moral  and  religious 
ideals  of  the  Thirty  Years’  War,  and  the  struggle 
now  became  one  for  political  supremacy. 

The  late  Swedish  King,  who  was  a scholar  as  well 
as  a warrior,  had  looked  upon  Grotius  as  one  of  the 
great  men  of  the  age.  It  is  said  that,  at  the  time  of 
his  death,  he  had  with  him  a copy  of  the  “De  Jure 
Belli  ac  Pacis,”  which  was  found  after  the  battle  in 
the  royal  tent."*  Sometime  before  his  death  he  gave 

23  Wakeman’s  “European  History,  1598-1715,”  p.  88. 

2*  Gustavus  Adolphus  had  also  had  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis” 
translated  into  Swedish.  Brandt’s  “Het  Leven  van  Huig  de 
Groot,”  Bk.  X,  p.  448. 


190 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


orders  that,  in  case  he  should  die  before  his  plans 
were  accomplished,  Grotius  should  be  employed  in 
the  service  of  Sweden;  and  Oxenstiern,  the  Swedish 
High  Chancellor,  who  now  exercised  almost  absolute 
power,  carried  out  the  wishes  of  his  dead  master  and 
sent  word  to  Grotius  to  meet  him  at  Frankfort-on- 
the-Main.^®  Grotius  arrived  there  in  May,  1634.^® 
His  reception  was  most  kind;  and,  although  the  High 
Chancellor  did  not  say  what  position  he  was  to  have, 
he  sent  for  his  Avife  and  children,  who  reached 
Frankfort  early  in  August.  They  then  accom- 
panied Oxenstiern  to  Mainz,  where  he  appointed 
Grotius  a Counsellor  to  the  young  Queen  of  Sweden, 
Christina,"^  and  also  made  him  her  Ambassador  to 
the  Court  of  France.^® 

Lest  it  may  seem  strange  that  the  High  Chancellor 
of  Sweden,  acting  in  accordance  with  the  direction 
of  the  lately  deceased  King,  chose  Grotius,  a Dutch- 
man, to  represent  the  Swedish  Queen  at  the  Court 
of  France,  it  may  be  well  to  note  that  much  of  the 
culture  of  Sweden,  during  the  17th  century,  came 
from  Holland.  In  his  book,  written  in  Swedish  but 
translated  into  Dutch,  “De  letterkundige  betrek- 
kingen  tusschen  Zweden  en  Holland,  vooral  in  de 
lyde  eeuw,”  E.  Wrangel  has  brought  this  out. 
Stranger  than  the  embassy  of  Grotius  to  France  is 

25  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  209-210. 

2«  Ep.  330,  p.  849. 

27  Daughter  of  Gustavus  Adolphus.  She  was  born  at  Stock- 
holm, December  18,  1626. 

28  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  211;  Ep.  337,  p.  851. 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


191 

that  of  Jakob  van  Dyke,  “Ambassador  of  the  King 
of  Sweden  to  the  States  of  the  United  Netherlands 
in  the  Hague,  a Hollander,  horn  at  Haarlem,  a great 
lover  of  poetry  and  a friend  of  Grotius.”  Gro- 
tius,  however,  decided  to  renounce  his  Dutch  alle- 
giance, and  on  the  13th  of  July,  1634,  sent  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  through  his  brother,  letters  de- 
claring his  expatriation  and  his  adoption  of  alle- 
giance to  the  Queen  of  Sweden.  He  also  sent  in- 
formation to  the  same  effect  to  the  City  of  Rotter- 
dam, which  had  forborne  to  elect  a Pensionary  since 
his  sentence  fifteen  years  before,  and  stated  that  the 
position  which  he  had  held  was  to  be  considered  as 
vacant.^” 

In  the  meantime,  the  aspect  of  the  affairs  of 
Sweden  was  not  favorable.  The  indomitable  cour- 
age and  iron  will  of  Oxenstiern  had  brought  back 
the  wavering  to  the  cause  of  Sweden  and  had  broken 
the  attempts  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  and  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  to  create  disunion,  but  the  battle 
of  Nordlingen,  in  1634,  left  Horn  and  sixteen  thou- 
sand Swedes  as  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  Austria,  and 
by  the  Peace  of  Prague,  in  1635,  the  Electors  of 
Saxony  and  Brandenburg  united  with  Emperor 
Ferdinand  II. 

The  hope  of  the  Protestant  countries,  and  par- 
ticularly of  Sweden,  lay  in  France,  or,  more  exactly, 
in  Cardinal  Richelieu,  and  their  future  was  in  a large 

29  Brandt’s  “Leven  van  Vondel,”  ed.  by  Dr.  Eelco  Verwijs, 
1866,  p.  45. 

30  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  212-213. 


192 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


sense  entrusted  to  Hugo  Grotius  when  he  set  out 
from  Mainz  for  Paris  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1635,  on  the  most  important  diplomatic  mission 
Europe  had  known  in  a hundred  years. 


CHAPTER  X ^ 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


Grotius  journeys  to  Paris — His  reception — Official  duties — 
Oxenstiern  comes  to  France — Diplomatic  activities  of  Grotius — 
His  difficulties — Efforts  for  peace — A diplomatic  quarrel. 

Setting  out  from  Mainz  on  the  eighth  of  Jan- 
uary, 1635,^  when  the  roads  were  frozen  and  muddy 
in  turn,  Grotius  was  forced  to  make  extensive  detours 
in  order  to  avoid  encountering  parties  of  the  enemy. 
His  progress  was  therefore  necessarily  slow,  and  he 
arrived  at  Metz  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,  much 
later  than  he  expected  and  suffering  from  a severe 
cold.  Five  days  later  he  wrote  to  Oxenstiern  that 
he  hoped  to  be  able  to  leave  Metz  in  a few  days,  and 
that  he  was  suffering  more  in  mind  than  in  body, 
because  of  his  restless  desire  to  be  again  on  his 
journey.  His  departure  took  place  on  the  second 
of  February,  and  on  the  seventh  he  passed  through 
Meaux  on  the  way  to  St.  Denis.  Arriving  at  this 
place,  where  his  friend,  Francis  de  Thou,  hearing  of 
his  presence,  hastened  to  meet  him,  he  was  compelled 

1 This  chapter  and  the  one  following,  were  presented  as  a 
Master’s  thesis  in  International  Law  and  Diplomacy  at  Columbia 
University. 

2 Cattenburgh’s  “Vervolg  der  Historic  van  het  leven  des  heeren 
Huig  de  Groot,”  Bk.  I,  p.  10. 

193 


194 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


to  tarry  for  some  time  because  of  the  delay  of  the 
French  Court  in  appointing  a day  for  his  formal 
reception.*  The  cause  of  this  delay  is  not  altogether 
certain;  but,  judging  by  the  questions  asked  by 
Count  Brulon  on  February  23rd,  as  to  who  had  sent 
him  into  France  and  as  to  the  nature  of  Oxenstiern’s 
powers,  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  Court  of  France 
hesitated  to  recognize  an  Ambassador  not  appointed 
by  the  Queen. ^ In  fact,  it  was  not  until  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  January,  1636,  that  the  appointment  given 
by  Oxenstiern  was  ratified  by  the  five  Regents  of  the 
Kingdom  in  the  name  of  the  young  Queen  Chris- 
tina.* 

Nevertheless,  on  Friday  the  second  of  March, 
1635,  Grotius  made  his  public  entry  into  Paris  at- 
tended by  Marshal  d’Estrees  and  Count  Brulon,  the 
latter  acting  in  the  place  of  Marshal  St.  Luc,  who 
was  ill.  They  came  in  the  coaches  of  the  King  and 
Queen  to  escort  the  Ambassador  into  the  city,  and 
the  coaches  of  the  Venetian,  Swiss  and  Mantuan 
Ministers  were  also  in  the  procession,  together  with 
those  of  the  German  powers  allied  to  Sweden.  The 
Princes  of  the  Blood  did  not  send  their  coaches  since 
they  were  not  in  Paris,  Gaston,  Duke  of  Orleans, 
being  at  Angers,  the  Prince  de  Conde  at  Rouen,  and 
the  Count  de  Soissons  at  Senlis  with  the  Court.® 

On  the  sixth  of  March,  Grotius  was  conducted  to 

® Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  217-218. 

* Ep.  364,  p.  132. 

® Cattenburgh’s  “Vervolg,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  60-61. 

® Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  221-222. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


195 


the  Court,  sitting  at  Senlis,  by  the  Duke  de  Mercoeur, 
later  Duke  de  Vendome  and  Cardinal,  whom  Grotius 
calls  the  most  learned  of  all  Princes/  At  the  re- 
ception the  King’s  guards  were  under  arms,  and  the 
King  spoke  so  graciously  to  him  that  Grotius  began 
to  hope  that  he  might  be  successful  in  his  mission. 
By  all  the  Princes  and  their  wives  the  Ambassador 
was  equally  well  received,  and,  on  March  eighth,  he 
sent  Queen  Christina  news  of  his  entry  and  of  his 
audience  with  the  King.®  It  seems,  however,  that 
Paaw,  the  Ambassador  of  Holland  to  France,  was 
somewhat  embarrassed,  being  in  doubt  as  to  how  he 
should  treat  his  former  countryman;  but  the  instruc- 
tions which  were  sent  to  him  at  his  request,  directed 
him  to  act  toward  Grotius  as  he  would  toward  any 
other  Minister  of  a Power  friendly  to  Holland.® 
With  Richelieu  the  business  was  more  serious. 
There  were  undoubtedly  occasions  when  the  Cardi- 
nal could  ill  afford  to  be  over  cordial,  and,  before  he 
granted  Grotius  an  interview,  he  desired  to  learn  the 
nature  of  the  latter’s  instructions  regarding  the 
treaty  lately  made  between  France  and  the  German 
Princes,  with  which  the  Swedes  had  been  dissatisfied. 
Following  the  battle  of  Nordlingen,  in  1634,  James 
Laefler  and  Philip  Street  were  sent  by  the  Protestant 
Princes  and  States  of  the  Circles  and  the  Electoral 
Provinces  of  Franconia,  Suabia  and  the  Rhine,  to 
Paris  to  solicit  the  aid  of  France  in  the  war  against 

■'  Ibid.,  p.  223 ; Ep.  339,  p.  851. 

8 Ep.  367,  p.  134. 

8 Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  222. 


196 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Austria.  They  accepted  an  offer  by  the  Cardinal  of 
500,000  livres  and  6,000  foot  in  six  weeks,  the  force 
of  foot  to  be  increased  to  12,000  when  France 
should,  with  the  aid  of  the  allies,  have  obtained  pos- 
session of  Benfeld;  but  they  failed  to  stipulate  that 
France  should  also  continue  to  pay  the  subsidies 
which  she  had  already  pledged  to  Gustavus  by  the 
treaty  renewed  at  Hailbron.^®  After  signing  the 
new  treaty,  Laefler  and  Street  returned  to  Germany; 
but,  when  a motion  to  ratify  their  act  was  made  in 
the  Assembly  of  the  Allies  at  Worms,  the  High 
Chancellor  of  Sweden  opposed  it  on  the  grounds  that 
it  conflicted  with  the  previous  treaty,  and  declared 
that  he  would  send  an  Ambassador  to  France  to  set- 
tle the  matter. This  burden  was  placed  upon 
Grotius,  a burden  which  weighed  more  heavily  be- 
cause of  the  determination  of  the  Cardinal  that  the 
results  of  his  negotiations  with  the  envoys  of  the 
German  Princes  should  not  be  disturbed. 

With  this  object  in  view,  Richelieu  decided  to 
leave  the  first  discussion  of  the  matter  to  Boutillier, 
Superintendent  of  the  Finances.  Accordingly,  Gro- 
tius met  Boutillier  and  a colleague  of  the  latter, 
Father  Joseph,  in  the  garden  of  the  Thuilleries, 
which  he  reached  through  the  Convent  of  the  Capu- 
chins. Grotius  not  only  maintained  that  the  treaty 
could  not  be  regarded  as  being  in  force  till  it  had 
been  ratified  by  Sweden,  but  he  also  declared  that  it 

io  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  224-225. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  226. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


197 


could  not  be  ratified  because  it  would  render  nuga- 
tory the  treaty  of  Hailbron.  To  this  Father  Joseph 
replied  that  the  Ministers  of  the  German  Princes 
had  been  invested  with  full  powers  to  treat  and  that 
the  agreement  had  been  signed  at  Paris  without  any 
stipulation  concerning  the  necessity  of  ratification. 
The  Swedish  Ambassador,  however,  answered  that 
the  High  Chancellor  and  even  the  towns  which  ap- 
proved the  treaty  all  insisted  upon  the  necessity  of 
ratification.^^ 

Finding  that  Grotius  was  immovable  in  the  stand 
he  had  taken,  the  French  ministers  became  angry  and 
threatened  not  only  to  complain  to  Oxenstiern  of  his 
conduct,  but  also  to  advise  Louis  XIII  to  cease  to  re- 
gard him  as  an  Ambassador,  but  all  without  effect. 
They  then  said  that  the  King  would  consent  to  the 
Swedes  having  command  of  the  forces  of  France  in 
Germany,  although  the  treaty  gave  this  command  to 
a Prince;  and,  when  this  concession  was  rejected. 
Father  Joseph  left  in  a rage.  Grotius  then  con- 
tinued the  negotiations  with  the  calmer  Superintend- 
ent, and  contended  that  while  France  might  give 
subsidies  to  the  Germans  if  she  chose,  it  was  only 
just  and  fair  that  those  promised  to  Sweden,  and  on 
the  strength  of  which  the  latter  was  fighting  partly 
for  France,  should  also  be  paid.^® 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  March,  Richelieu  sent  for 
Grotius.  The  fact  that  the  latter  immediately 

12  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  226-227. 

13  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  229. 


198 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


waited  upon  him  shows  that  the  statement  of  du 
Maurier , that  Grotius,  while  Ambassador  from 
Sweden,  never  saw  the  Cardinal,  is,  to  say  the  least, 
inaccurate.  At  this  conference,  in  which  the  unrati- 
fied treaty  was  the  chief  subject  of  discussion,  Riche- 
lieu argued  that  the  King  had  aided  the  Swedes 
enough  by  supplying  the  Germans  with  men  and 
money,  while  Grotius  maintained  that  Laefler  and 
Street  were  not  authorized  to  make  a treaty  so  con- 
trary to  the  interests  of  Sweden.  Father  Joseph, 
who  was  again  present,  stated  that  the  King  had  been 
informed  that  Grotius  was  the  one  who  had  per- 
suaded the  High  Chancellor  to  refuse  to  ratify  the 
treaty,  an  accusation  which  Grotius  denied.  The 
Cardinal  hinted  that  Sweden  could  not  expect  the 
subsidy  of  a million  in  the  future,  and  Father  Joseph, 
pretending  that  Oxenstiern  only  objected  to  the  com- 
mand going  out  of  Swedish  hands  into  those  of  a 
Prince,  intimated  that  the  King  would  consent  to  this 
alteration.  But  Grotius  insisted  that  the  treaty  of 
Hailbron  be  strictly  adhered  to  and  the  deadlock 
continued.^® 

At  this  point  Oxenstiern  announced  that  he  was 
coming  to  Paris  to  settle  all  difficulties  in  a confer- 
ence. The  King  ordered  the  Hotel  for  Ambassa- 
dors Extraordinary  at  Paris  to  be  prepared  for  him, 
and,  all  discussions  being  suspended,  went  to  Com- 
piegne  to  meet  him.  Grotius,  however,  in  conse- 

Ep.  380,  p.  139. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  230-232. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


199 


quence  of  a special  message  received  by  a courier, 
joined  the  High  Chancellor  at  Soissons,  and  accom- 
panied him  to  Compiegne.^®  Oxenstiern,  who  had 
200  men  in  his  retinue,  was  met  by  the  Count  d’Alais, 
son  of  the  Duke  d’Angouleme,  and  Count  Brulon  in 
the  King’s  coach,  the  Count  de  Soissons,  who  had 
been  first  designated,  being  absent.^^ 

It  was  the  twenty-sixth  of  April,  1635,  Oxen- 
stiern arrived  at  Compiegne,  and  on  the  next  day  he 
had  an  audience  with  the  King  which  lasted  half  an 
hour  and  at  which  Grotius  was  present.  On  the 
twenty-ninth  of  the  month  the  Cardinal  returned 
Oxenstiern’s  visit,  but  the  High  Chancellor,  foresee- 
ing that  a discussion  of  the  Treaties  of  Paris  and 
Hailbron  would  produce  bad  feeling,  did  not  men- 
tion them  and  spoke  only  of  the  old  treaty  between 
France  and  Sweden.  He  consented  that  this  treaty 
might  be  slightly  altered,  and  induced  Richelieu  to 
agree  that  no  peace  or  truce  should  be  concluded 
with  Austria  without  mutual  consent.^® 

The  next  day,  Monday  the  thirtieth  of  April,  Ox- 
enstiern left  Compiegne  for  Paris  to  reside  incognito 
with  Grotius,^®  but  the  crowds  in  Paris,  clamoring 
to  see  him,  were  so  great  that  they  could  scarcely  be 
kept  out  of  Grotius’  home.  The  High  Chancellor 
remained  in  Paris  only  two  or  three  days,  visiting  the 
Louvre,  Notre-Dame,  and  the  Palais  du  Luxem- 

Ep.  393,  p.  143,  and  Ep.  396,  p.  144. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  232-233. 

18 /bid..  Bk.  I,  pp.  234-235. 

19  Ep.  400,  p.  146. 


200 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


bourg,  and  then,  after  taking  leave  of  the  King,  from 
whom  he  received  a diamond  ring  worth  ten  or 
twelve  thousand  crowns  and  a miniature  of  the  King 
in  a box  set  with  diamonds,  and  after  tactfully  giving 
Madame  de  Groot  a present,  he  proceeded,  accom- 
panied part  way  by  Grotius,  to  Dieppe,  whence  he 
embarked  for  Holland.^® 

The  treaty  of  Compiegne  gave  rise  to  a dispute 
between  Oxenstiern  and  the  Duke  of  Weimar, to 
whom  the  Marquis  de  Feuquieres  hinted  that  the 
High  Chancellor,  in  making  his  last  agreement  with 
France,  had  shown  no  regard  for  the  interests  of 
Germany.  Although  this  insinuation  had  little  or 
no  foundation,  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  Feuquieres 
made  it  at  the  instigation  of  the  Cardinal,  who  de- 
sired to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  Duke,  while  de- 
priving the  Chancellor  of  it.  Meanwhile,  Richelieu 
was  still  clinging  to  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  and  Avau- 
gour,  the  French  Ambassador  to  Sweden,  was  in- 
structed to  demand  its  ratification.  The  Swedish 
government  replied  that  Laefler  and  Street  were  not 
sent  out  by  Sweden,  and  referred  the  matter  to  Ox- 
enstiern. Being  thus  thwarted  in  his  attempts  to  se- 
cure the  ratification  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  the 
French  Ambassador  was  forced  to  confine  his  efforts 
to  the  ratification  of  the  agreement  of  Compiegne.^^ 
The  change  in  the  fortunes  of  Grotius  also 

2®  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  235-236;  Ep.  344,  p. 
853 

21  Ep.  432,  p.  159. 

22  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  237. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


201 


brought  a change  to  the  minds  of  the  Ministers  of 
Charenton — Faucheur,  Mestrezat  and  Daille — who 
had  refused  to  admit  him  to  their  communion  when 
he  had  resided  in  Paris  as  an  exile  from  Holland. 
The  Ambassador  from  Sweden  to  the  Court  of  Louis 
XIII  was,  however,  a different  man  in  the  eyes  of  the 
church,  and  on  the  second  of  August,  1635,  the  Min- 
isters came  to  ask  Grotius  to  join  their  communion.*® 

In  so  doing  they  expressed  the  hope  that  he  looked 
upon  their  confession  of  faith  as  consistent  with 
Christianity,  since  they  had  read  his  work  on 
“The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion”  and  ap- 
proved it.  On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  Grotius, 
who  had  not  yet  gone  to  Charenton,  writing  to  his 
brother,  said:  “I  deliberate  in  order  that  I may  do 
only  what  is  agreeable  to  God,  of  service  to  the 
Church  and  advantageous  to  my  family.”  **  But  the 
Ministers  eventually  relieved  his  perplexities  by  de- 
ciding that,  although  they  would  be  very  glad  to  re- 
ceive him  as  a citizen,  they  could  not  receive  him  as 
Ambassador  from  Sweden,  since  they  disagreed  with 
the  religious  doctrines  adopted  by  that  country. 
Grotius  therefore  resolved  to  worship  thereafter  at 
home,  where  his  services  were  attended  by  Luther-^^ 
ans,  as  though  he  had  publicly  professed  their  re- 
ligion. On  December  28th,  1635,  he  wrote  to  his 
brother,  “We  celebrated  the  festival  of  Christmas 
at  home,  the  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg,  the  Count  of 

23  Ep.  350,  p.  854. 

2*  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  240 ; Ep.  354,  p.  856. 


202 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Swartzenbourg  and  several  Swedish  and  German 
noblemen  being  there.”  Grotius  at  first  had  as 
chaplain  a Lutheran  Minister,  Brandanus,  who, 
despite  instructions  to  the  contrary,  was  prone  to  crit- 
icize both  the  Catholic  and  the  Reformed  Churches, 
so  that  Grotius  at  last,  in  the  Autumn  of  1637, 
bade  him  the  use  of  the  chapel,  although  keeping  him 
in  his  home  until  the  end  of  the  following  February. 
After  that  Grotius  secured  the  services  of  an  Ar- 
minian,  Francis  Dor,  whose  opinions  in  general  very 
happily  coincided  with  his  own.*® 

In  the  diplomatic  world  important  events  were 
taking  place.  Soon  after  Oxenstiern  left  France, 
the  Peace  of  Vervins  was  broken  and  the  French  and 
Spaniards  began  the  long  war  which  was  not  to  end 
until  the  Peace  of  the  Pyrenees  in  1659.  When  war 
was  declared,  the  King  of  France  and  the  Cardinal 
went  to  Chateau-Thierry.  Grotius  arrived  at  the 
court  on  the  eve  of  Whitsuntide,  1635.**  As  the  re- 
sult of  the  victories  of  Marshals  de  Breze  and  de 
Chatillon  over  Prince  Thomas  of  Savoy,  and  of 
Marshal  de  la  Force  in  Lorraine,  the  hopes  and 
spirits  of  France  were  soaring  high.  Grotius,  the 
Cardinal  being  at  the  moment  indisposed,  spoke  to 
the  Superintendent,  Boutillier,  and  to  the  King  about 
the  payment  of  the  subsidies,  but  without  result.  A 
little  later  he  brought  the  matter  to  the  attention  of 
Richelieu,  but  the  latter  put  him  off  until  the  return  of 

25  Ep.  363,  p.  858. 

28  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  242-243. 

27  Ihid.,  Bk.  I,  p.  243. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


203 

Chavigny,  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  Gro- 
tius  returned  to  Paris. 

The  interview  with  Chavigny  was  difficult  to  ob- 
tain, the  latter  advancing  every  possible  excuse  for 
delay.  However,  Grotius  pressed  him  constantly 
and  a meeting  at  length  took  place.  Chavigny  in- 
sisted, in  reply  to  Grotius’  demands,  that  he  had  only 
promised  to  help  Sweden  as  far  as  he  could,  and  that 
he  intended  to  keep  his  word.  Subsequently  Servien, 
the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Cardinal  both  re- 
ceived Grotius  most  politely,  but,  while  admitting  the 
obligation  of  France,  pleaded  that  her  expenses  were 
so  great  that  delay  was  inevitable.  Finally,  al- 
though Father  Joseph  promised  to  use  his  endeavors 
to  see  that  the  money  was  paid,  Grotius  advised  Ox- 
enstiern  to  write  to  the  King  himself.’®  In  the  mean- 
time Bullion  promised  to  pay  200,000  francs,  but 
never  issued  the  order;  and  Richelieu,  in  September 
1635,  fearful  lest  the  High  Chancellor  might  con- 
clude with  the  Elector  of  Saxony  a treaty  detrimental 
to  France,  promised  that  the  Marquis  de  St.  Chau- 
mont  should  be  sent  to  Sweden  with  power  to  act 
with  Oxenstiern  in  the  common  cause,  and  referred 
Grotius  to  Bullion  in  regard  to  the  subsidies.®®  Bul- 
lion, who  was  at  Ruel,  promised  to  pay  at  once  only 
200,000  francs  and  to  raise  the  amount  to  500,000 
as  soon  as  the  King’s  affairs  would  permit.  Mean- 
while, St.  Chaumont,  a Catholic  chosen  to  appease 

28  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  243-245. 

29  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  245-248. 

30  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  248-251. 


204 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


the  Pope,  was  sent  to  Sweden  without  consulting 
Grotius,  and  on  November  3rd,  1635,  the  latter 
found  Richelieu  at  Ruel  in  a very  bad  mood,  accus- 
ing Sweden  of  negotiating  for  a separate  peace.  On 
November  5th,  Grotius  saw  the  King,  and  on  Decem- 
ber 14th  went  again  to  Ruel,®^  where  he  received, 
through  a courier  sent  by  St.  Chaumont,  some  letters 
from  Oxenstiern  which  he  suspected  had  been 
opened.  Subsequently  Bullion  and  Servien  assured 
him  that  200,000  francs  had  already  been  ordered 
to  be  paid  and  that  the  remaining  300,000,  which 
had  been  promised,  should  be  turned  over  without 
delay.®^ 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1636,  the  Cardinal 
accused  Grotius  of  circulating  reports  about  the  de- 
plorable condition  of  affairs  in  France.  Grotius  re- 
stored his  composure  by  explaining  that  the  circula- 
tion of  the  reports  was  due  not  to  any  act  of  his,  but 
to  the  efforts  of  Paaw  and  Aersens  and  the  news- 
papers of  Brussels. Moreover,  the  confirmation 
of  Grotius  appointment  to  the  Ambassadorship,  the 
confidence  which  Oxenstiern  placed  in  him,  and  the 
friendship  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  gradually  had 
their  effect  on  the  attitude  of  the  French  Court  and 
of  Cardinal  Richelieu  in  particular,  and  in  May, 
1636,  the  change  became  very  apparent.  At  that 
time  we  find  the  Cardinal  congratulating  Grotius  that 
part  of  the  subsidies  had  been  paid  and  compliment- 

si  Ep.  528,  p.  204. 

ss  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  251-255. 

33  Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  255-256. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


205 


ing  him  and  the  High  Chancellor  upon  the  way  in 
which  Sweden  had  prospered  despite  the  desertion  of 
her  friends  and  allies.  Richelieu  also  spoke  of  the 
gain  that  might  be  derived  from  an  alliance  with 
England,  suggesting  that,  with  her  aid,  France  and 
Sweden  might  obtain  the  restoration  of  the  Palati- 
nate to  Prince  Charles  Louis,  the  nephew  of  the  Eng- 
lish King.®^  This  was  the  last  interview  Grotius 
ever  had  with  the  great  Cardinal,  who  did  so  much 
to  strengthen  France  internally  and  externally  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Louis  XIIL 

The  Ambassadors  from  the  Protestant  countries 
had  for  some  time  thought  that  it  was  beneath  their 
dignity  to  allow  a Cardinal  to  take  the  upper  hand  of 
them,  since  it  might  be  interpreted  as  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  Pope’s  authority.  Lord  Scuda- 
more, the  Ordinary  Ambassador  from  England,  and 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Ambassador  Extraordinary, 
were  the  first  to  raise  the  issue,  and  we  find  Grotius 
writing  to  the  High  Chancellor:  “I  commend  those 
who  uphold  their  rights,  yet  I do  not  dare  to  imitate 
them  without  orders.”  Later,  however,  having 
received  no  instructions  to  the  contrary,  Grotius  also 
broke  off  his  visits  to  the  Cardinal;  and  his  course 
met  with  the  approval  of  the  Queen’s  Ministry,  al- 
though it  was  considered  somewhat  as  a slight  by 
France. 

That  Grotius  was  unpopular  in  some  quarters  is 

s*Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  258-260. 

35  Ep.  598,  p.  239. 


2o6 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


not  to  be  denied,  and  at  this  time  he  was  disturbed  by 
attempts  to  have  him  recalled.  St.  Chaumont,  the 
Minister  to  Sweden,  Paaw,  the  Dutch  Ambassador 
at  Paris,  and  Father  Joseph,  the  most  trusted  diplo- 
matist of  Richelieu,  were  particularly  active  in  this 
direction,  and  the  matter  proceeded  so  far  that  a re- 
quest for  his  recall  was  sent  to  Oxenstiern.  But  the 
High  Chancellor,  realizing  the  worth  of  his  Ambas- 
sador, and  the  fact  that  his  unpopularity  was  due  to 
his  earnest  work  for  the  Queen,  refused  to  listen  to 
the  complaints.  A public  declaration  by  Father  Jo- 
seph that  the  French  Ministers  desired  his  removal 
because  he  was  opposing  the  success  and  welfare  of 
France,  fared  no  better.  The  High  Chancellor 
wisely  decided  that  Grotius  should  remain  in  Paris  as 
Ambassador,  and  not  merely  as  an  agent,  as  Grotius 
had  himself  suggested.®® 

The  chief  difficulty  seems  to  have  been  that  Gro- 
tius was  too  honest  to  be  popular  in  the  world  of 
diplomacy  of  that  day.  The  presents  welcomed  by 
other  diplomatists  he  refused  to  accept;  the  influences 
that  succeeded  with  other  Ambassadors  he  firmly  re- 
pelled.®’’ This  incorruptible  attitude  he  steadfastly 
maintained,  even  when  he  was  most  perplexed  in  re- 
gard to  his  finances.  On  September  14th,  1635,  he 
wrote  to  Oxenstiern  that  the  Treasurer  of  Sweden 
had  neglected  to  pay  his  salary  for  the  last  quarter, 
and  again,  on  November  8th,  that  he  had  received 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  263-266. 

37  Ep.  958,  p.  428. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


207 


but  one  quarter’s  salary,  which  was  owing  before  his 
arrival  in  Paris,  and  that  two  others  were  then  due. 
By  the  end  of  1638  six  quarters  were  in  arrears, 
while  by  the  end  of  May,  1639,  there  was  due  him 
40,000  francs,  or  $8,000,  being  two  years’  full  sal- 
ary at  20,000  francs  a year.  Salvius  now  ordered 
that  half  of  this  should  be  paid  out  of  the  subsidies 
from  France,  but  the  money  was  slow  in  coming  in, 
and  Grotius  was  forced  to  tell  Salvius  that  he  would 
ask  to  be  recalled  if  not  paid.^®  It  was  at  this  time 
that  Grotius  was  offered  a pension  by  the  French 
Ministry,  which  he  promptly  refused.  Finally,  on 
the  twenty-first  of  January,  1640,®®  he  wrote  to  the 
Queen  of  Sweden  for  permission  to  take  his  salary 
from  the  subsidies  he  was  obtaining,  and,  without 
awaiting  a reply,  appropriated  16,000  thalers. 
This,  as  he  advised  Oxenstiern,^®  his  necessities  com- 
pelled him  to  do.  Besides  he  was  only  following  the 
precedent  established  by  his  predecessors. 

Meanwhile,  the  first  effort  for  peace  in  Europe 
was  made.  In  1636,  Pope  Urban  VIII,  seeing  that 
the  success  of  the  Swedes  in  the  war  would  prejudice 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  Germany,  made  a 
move  for  peace  and  called  a conference  at  Cologne, 
with  Cardinal  Ginetti  as  mediator. “ Grotius  was 
of  the  opinion  that  the  Swedes  ought  not  to  accept  the 
Pope’s  mediation  or  to  send  representatives  to 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  272-273. 

39  Ep.  1308,  p.  592. 

^9  Ep.  1350,  p.  612 ; April  14,  1640. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  275. 


2o8 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Cologne.  In  this  view  he  had  the  support  of  Lord 
Scudamore, the  English  Ambassador,  who  con- 
curred with  him  in  thinking  that  the  Protestants 
would  suffer  in  a conference  over  which  the  Pope’s 
delegate  presided.  Although  the  other  diplomatists 
at  Paris,  and  particularly  the  French  and  Venetian, 
realizing  that  the  conference  could  not  take  place  un- 
less Sweden  was  represented,  urged  Grotius  to  at- 
tend, the  Swedes  stood  firm  and  the  congress  at 
Cologne  never  took  place.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  Grotius  was  advised  by  Godefroy,  one  of  the 
legates  of  France  to  the  conference,  not  to  attend. 
This  act  justifies  a doubt  whether  Richelieu,  under 
whose  orders  Godefroy  acted,  really  desired  a peace 
at  that  time."*®  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
Cardinal’s  foreign  policy  had  not  progressed  to  the 
point  where  he  considered  peace  to  be  expedient. 
Sometime  later  the  Republic  of  Venice,  acting  in  con- 
junction with  the  Pope,  sought  to  bring  about  a Euro- 
pean peace.  To  this  move  the  Queen  of  Sweden 
yielded  her  sanction,  on  condition  that  the  Republic 
give  her  the  honors  due  her  as  Queen  and  address 
her  as  “Most  Serene  and  Most  Powerful”  instead 
of  simply  “Most  Serene.”  The  negotiations  pro- 
ceeded very  satisfactorily  between  Grotius  and  Cor- 
naro,  the  Venetian  Minister,  after  they  had  arranged 
certain  petty  differences  over  their  diplomatic  posi- 
tions and  relations.^^ 

Ep.  690,  p.  284. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  p.  277. 

**Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  279-281. 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES 


209 


In  the  era  of  which  we  write,  questions  of  etiquette 
and  precedence  were  deemed  to  be  matters  of  the 
first  importance;  and,  early  in  1637,  there  occurred 
in  France  a very  pretty  diplomatic  quarrel.  Paaw, 
the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  France,  having  been  re- 
called, his  place  was  taken  by  Oosterwyk,  former 
Ambassador  of  the  United  Provinces  to  Venice,*® 
who,  as  he  had  been  very  intimate  with  Grotius,  was 
desirous  of  renewing  their  friendship  now  that  they 
were  to  be  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps  in  the 
same  city.  He  accordingly  asked  Grotius  to  send 
his  coach  to  his  public  entry.  This  Grotius  did,  but 
the  Ambassadors  Ordinary  and  Extraordinary  of 
England  also  sent  their  coaches,  and  a quarrel  as  to 
precedence  ensued,  in  which  swords  were  drawn. 
There  seems  indeed  to  have  been  a general  confusion 
of  coaches,  horses,  servants  and  diplomatists  until 
Marshal  de  la  Force,  who  was  escorting  the  Dutch 
Ambassador,  and  who  seems  to  have  felt  the  respon- 
sibility of  getting  the  Ministers  safely  back  to  Paris, 
settled  the  dispute  by  declaring  that  the  question  had 
been  decided  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III  in  favor  of 
the  English.  To  this  decision  the  Swedes  submitted, 
and  the  coaches  of  the  two  Ambassadors  Ordinary, 
Grotius  and  Lord  Scudamore,  were  withdrawn,  thus 
giving  precedence  to  that  of  the  Ambassador 
Extraordinary  of  England,  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 
The  quarrel  was,  however,  taken  up  by  the  Gazette 
of  France,  with  which  Grotius  found  fault  because  it 


Ibid.,  Bk.  I,  pp.  281-282. 


210 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


mentioned  England  before  Sweden.  On  this  ques- 
tion a conference  took  place  between  Leicester  and 
Grotius,  in  which  Leicester  claimed  that  the  prece- 
dency of  Sweden  over  England  was  unheard  of,  while 
Grotius  answered  that  his  contention  found  support 
in  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Basel  (1431- 
1449) . Leicester  further  insisted  that  England  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity  before  Sweden,  to 
which  Grotius  cleverly  replied  that  this  was  a very 
bad  reason  whose  employment  might  hinder  the 
Pagans  and  Mahometans  from  becoming  Chris- 
tians.^® The  affair  had  no  serious  consequences,  and 
was  dropped  after  the  Ambassadors  had  exhausted 
their  stock  of  reasons  and  probably  themselves.  As 
an  evidence  that  the  quarrel  never  became  so  serious 
as  to  affect  personal  relations,  we  have  the  fact  that 
Madame  de  Groot  stood  as  godmother  at  the  chris- 
tening of  Lord  Scudamore’s  child  in  March,  1638, 
which  was  during  the  height  of  the  dispute.^^ 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  I,  pp.  283-285. 

*■<  Ibid..  Bk.  I,  p.  287;  Ep.  919,  p.  406. 


CHAPTER  XI 


DIPLOMATIC  ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


Further  negotiations — The  conduct  of  Schmalz — Death  of  the 
Duke  of  Weimar,  and  the  scheme  of  Charles  Louis — His  arrest 
and  release — The  exchange  of  Horn  and  de  Vert — Renewal  of 
the  French-Swedish  treaty — Arrival  of  Cerisante — Grotius  is 
recalled — His  death. 

The  last  years  of  Grotius’  embassy  were,  with  the 
exception  of  a few  incidents  of  importance,  compara- 
tively uneventful.  As  has  been  remarked,  Grotius 
had  resolved  not  to  confer  with  the  Cardinal  again, 
but  to  treat  instead  directly  with  the  King.  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  twenty-second  of  November,  1636,  just 
after  His  Majesty’s  return  from  the  campaign  of 
that  year,  the  Swedish  Ambassador  called  to  con- 
gratulate him  on  his  success,  and  again  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  February,  1637,  came  to  felicitate  him  on  his 
reconciliation  with  Gaston  of  France  and  the  restora- 
tion of  union  and  peace  in  the  Royal  family.^ 

When,  in  August,  1637,  the  King  went  to  Chan- 
tilly, Grotius  went  thither  to  suggest  to  the  King  that 
he  send  a reinforcement  to  the  Duke  of  Weimar, 
who  had  crossed  the  Rhine  and  was  attempting  to 
keep  the  German  allies  of  France  and  Sweden  from 

^ Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  H,  pp.  1-2 ; Ep.  688,  p.  281, 
and  Ep.  719,  p.  303. 

211 


212 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


joining  the  enemy.^  The  King  promised  to  send  the 
Duke  as  many  men  as  he  could  spare.  Again  on  Sep- 
tember twenty-third,®  Grotius  sought  the  King  in 
order  to  deliver  to  him  a letter  from  the  Queen  of 
Sweden  and  to  acquaint  him  with  the  gallant  stand 
Marshal  Bannier  was  making  against  five  armies  in 
the  field.  Grotius  added,  however,  that  the  marshal 
was  incapable  of  holding  out  much  longer  without 
assistance  and  urged  that  prompt  reinforcements 
would  swing  many  towns,  then  wavering  under  the 
pressure  of  Austria,  back  into  the  Protestant  column.^ 
At  St.  Germain  on  October  ist,  1637,  Grotius  re- 
newed his  solicitation  of  aid  from  Louis,  presenting  a 
letter  from  Christina,  dated  August  19th,  1637, 
pointing  out  that,  if  the  Austrians  succeeded  in  de- 
feating the  Swedes,  they  would  next  overpower  the 
Duchess  of  Savoy,  the  King’s  sister,  and  invade 
France.  To  Grotius  the  King  gave  assurances  that 
he  was  then  sending  aid,  and  promised  more  in  the 
future.® 

The  Duke  of  Weimar  on  the  2nd  of  March  bril- 
liantly opened  the  campaign  of  1638  by  a signal  vic- 
tory over  the  Austrians,  capturing  all  their  generals, 
Including  the  celebrated  John  de  Vert  whose  name 
had  become  a terror  to  the  French.  The  King,  upon 
receiving  this  good  news,  immediately  notified  Gro- 
tius, saying  that  he  knew  of  no  one  to  whose  ears  it 

2 Ep.  813,  p.  354. 

2 Ep.  327,  p.  363. 

* Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  3-7. 

Bk.  II,  pp.  7-8. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


213 


would  be  more  welcome — for  which  honor  Grotius 
thanked  Louis  in  an  Audience  of  March  sixteenth.® 
On  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1638,  Grotius  again 
besought  the  King  for  aid,  and  informed  him  that 
Queen  Christina  would  assent  to  the  proposed  medi- 
ation of  the  Venetians  if  she  were  addressed  prop- 
erly, since  a long  truce  might  lead  to  peace.  With 
this  in  view,  the  Queen  gave  her  Ambassador  in 
France  full  power  to  draw  up  a plan  of  a truce  in 
concert  with  the  King’s  Ministers.  Louis  told  Gro- 
tius that  the  Count  de  Guebriant  was  already  on  the 
march  to  join  the  Duke  of  Weimar,  that  he  would 
send  more  troops  in  the  near  future,  and  that  he 
would  nominate  Chavigny  to  confer  with  Grotius  on 
the  question  of  a truce.^ 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  1638,  Grotius  again  saw 
the  King  at  St.  Germain,  requesting  him  once  more  to 
send  reinforcements  and  to  procure  the  release  of 
Marshal  Horn,  the  Swedish  Commander,  who  had 
been  captured  in  the  battle  of  Nordlingen,  by  ex- 
changing one  of  the  enemy’s  generals  for  him.  The 
King  answered,  however,  that  John  de  Vert  was  the 
only  man  for  whom  the  Austrians  would  make  the 
exchange  and  that  de  Vert  was  the  prisoner  of  the 
Duke  of  Weimar,®  though  Chavigny  informed  Gro- 
tius several  days  later  that  de  Vert  was  really  the 
prisoner  of  Louis.® 

6 Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  8-9 ; Ep.  926,  p.  410. 

^ Ep.  949,  p.  421;  Burigny^s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  9-11. 

8 Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  14-15. 

8 Ep.  971,  p.  435. 


214 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Meanwhile,  the  Pope,  perceiving  that  peace  with- 
out his  intervention  was  still  very  much  a matter  of 
the  future,  proposed  a truce,  and  Grotius  and 
Chavigny  met  on  April  27th,  1638,  to  discuss  a plan 
for  itd®  The  latter  said  he  had  learned  from 
Schmalz,  the  Secretary  of  the  High  Chancellor,  who 
had  just  arrived  from  Sweden  with  instructions  for 
Grotius,  that  the  Swedes  expected  the  same  subsidies 
during  the  truce  that  they  had  received  through  the 
war  and  that  he  thought  this  claim  unreasonable. 
To  this  Grotius  answered  that  the  truce  could  be 
maintained  only  by  keeping  large  armies  in  the  field; 
that  this  would  be  a great  expense,  and  that,  during 
the  Twelve  Years’  Truce  (1609-1621)  between  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Dutch,  the  King,  following  the  ex- 
ample of  his  father,  Henry  IV,  gave  the  Dutch  the 
same  assistance  he  had  rendered  during  the  war. 
Finally  it  was  decided  that  Chavigny  should  consult 
with  Richelieu,  and  Grotius  with  Schmalz,  and  that 
they  should  confer  again  in  the  near  future. 

The  next  meeting  took  place  at  Chavigny’s  house 
on  the  first  of  May,  when  Chavigny  informed  Gro- 
tius that  he  would  lay  any  proposal  of  the  Swedes 
before  the  Cardinal.  Two  demands  were  then  put 
in  writing  by  Grotius,  first,  that  the  subsidies  should 
remain  the  same  during  the  truce  as  they  had  been 
during  the  war,  and,  second,  that  the  Swedes  should 
not  only  keep  the  part  of  Pomerania  which  they  held, 

10  Ep.  950,  p.  421. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  17-19. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


215 


but  that  the  rest  should  be  ceded  to  them.  These 
proposals  Chavigny  promised  to  submit  to  the  Cardi- 
nal.^^ 

On  May  eighteenth,  Chavigny  waited  upon  Gro- 
tius  in  order  to  resume  the  discussion. The  French 
Minister  declared  that  the  King  could  not  continue 
the  subsidies,  but  would  give  300,000  florins  a year 
to  the  Swedes  during  the  truce.  Grotius  declined  to 
consent  to  a diminution  of  the  former  subsidies.  As 
to  Pomerania,  Chavigny  argued  that  the  King  could 
not  demand  the  rest  of  that  country  from  the  enemy, 
and  the  conference  ended  by  Chavigny  promising  to 
communicate  the  King’s  wishes  to  Grotius  in  writ- 
ingd" 

In  the  meantime  Schmalz,  jealous  of  Grotius’  posi- 
tion, had  done  all  that  was  possible  to  hurt  him.  He 
wrote  to  the  Court  of  Sweden  that  they  could  no 
longer  refuse  to  recall  Grotius.  To  this  act  he  was 
moved  by  the  flattery  borne  to  him  by  Count  de  Feu- 
quieres  from  the  Cardinal,  who,  realizing  that 
France  had  found  a tool,  assured  Schmalz  that  Paris 
was  extremely  well  pleased  with  him  and  that  he 
would  solicit  his  stay  in  France.  To  Chavigny, 
Schmalz  declared  that  Sweden  had  resolved  to  be 
content  with  much  smaller  subsidies,  and  offered  to 
prove  this  by  letters.^® 

Chavigny  being  indisposed,  Desnoyers,  Secretary 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  19-20. 

13  Ep.  960,  p.  428. 

1*  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  20-21. 

15  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  21-22. 


2i6 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


of  War,  was  appointed  to  confer  with  Grotius;  and 
he  informed  the  latter  that,  as  regarded  the  truce, 
everything  had  been  settled  between  the  Cardinal 
and  Schmalz.  Grotius,  before  answering,  insisted 
upon  seeing  Schmalz,  with  whom  he  was  willing  to 
work  in  the  interest  of  Sweden.  Schmalz  declared 
that  he  had  settled  nothing,  but  stated  that  he  had 
full  powers  to  act  independently  of  Grotius  in  every 
affair  of  the  embassy  and  advocated  the  acceptance 
of  a subsidy  of  200,000  florins  during  the  truce. 
When  Grotius  doubted  this  statement,  Schmalz  be- 
came so  insolent  that  Grotius  wrote  to  the  High 
Chancellor  that  one  or  the  other  should  have  ex- 
clusive power;  and  he  later  said:  “I  beg  your  Sub- 
limity, that,  if  I can  be  of  any  use  to  you,  you  would 
be  pleased  to  protect  me,  as  you  have  done  hereto- 
fore. In  all  I have  done  I have  had  nothing  in 
view  but  the  welfare  of  Sweden,  and  it  has  cost  me 
much  labor  to  raise  up,  by  deeds  and  words,  a nation 
little  known  in  this  country.  If  I cannot  serve  use- 
fully, I would  much  rather  return  to  the  state  of  a 
private  man  than  be  a burden  to  the  Kingdom  and 
a dishonor  to  myself.” 

Surely  it  was  no  easy  task  that  Grotius  had  per- 
formed for  Sweden.  To  a sensitive  nature,  such  as 
his  was,  and  with  a delicate  conscience,  such  as  he 
had,  many  moments  of  those  years  must  have  been 
torture.  His  association  with  Schmalz  was  in  every 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  22-23. 
i’’  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  23-24 ; Ep.  982,  p.  444. 


Madame  Grotius  at  the  age  of  fifty 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


217 


way  burdensome.  This  worthy  took  up  his  resi- 
dence with  a Swede  named  Crusius,  whom  Grotius 
had  presented  to  the  King  in  July,  1638.^®  One  day 
the  two  friends  appeared  intoxicated  at  Grotius’ 
house,  and  insulted  Madame  de  Groot  by  fighting 
and  using  offensive  language  before  her.  This  and 
other  misconduct  on  the  part  of  Schmalz  Grotius  for- 
gave, in  order  that  personal  differences  might  not  im- 
pair their  ability  to  cooperate  for  the  good  of  Swe- 
den; and  he  even  used  his  influence  to  calm  Baron 
d’Erlach,  attache  to  the  Duke  of  Weimar,  who  was 
enraged  at  Schmalz’s  abuse  of  the  Duke.^®  In  the 
end  Schmalz  finally  returned  to  Sweden,  richer  than 
he  had  left,  and  embraced  the  Catholic  religion.  He 
was  soon  imprisoned  for  his  misdeeds,  but  had  the 
good  fortune  to  escape,  taking  refuge  in  Germany 
where  he  entered  the  service  of  the  Emperor.^® 

An  incident  connected  with  the  introduction  of 
Crusius  to  Louis  XIII  is  perhaps  worth  mentioning. 
On  their  return  from  the  audience,  Grotius  and  Cru- 
sius passed  through  a village  where  a large  crowd 
had  assembled  to  witness  the  execution  of  some  rob- 
bers. One  of  the  mounted  servants  of  the  Ambas- 
sador, in  order  to  make  the  throng  give  way  for  his 
master’s  coach,  struck  some  of  the  people  with  his 
whip.  The  alarm  immediately  went  out  that  the  oc- 
cupants of  the  coach  were  friends  of  the  prisoners 

18  Ep.  988,  p.  447. 

1®  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  24-25. 

20  Ep.  1046,  p.  472 ; Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp. 
25-26. 


2i8 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


who  had  come  to  rescue  them,  and  in  consequence 
shots  were  fired  at  the  coach  with  the  result  that  the 
coachman  received  wounds  of  which  he  died  some 
days  later.  Bullets  passed  within  a few  inches  of 
Grotius’  head,  but  he  was  unharmed,  and  the  tumult 
ceased  when  his  presence  became  known. The 
King,  when  informed  of  the  incident,  sent  Counts 
Brulon  and  Berlise,  the  Introducers  of  Ambassadors, 
to  apologize  for  it  and  to  promise  that  the  offenders 
would  be  punished  when  caught.  Seven  or  eight  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  village  where  the  crime  was 
committed  were  arrested,  tried  and  convicted,  but 
Grotius  obtained  a pardon  for  them,  thus  preserving 
to  them  not  only  their  lives  but  also  their  goods,  the 
forfeiture  of  which  had  been  decreed.^^ 

But  to  return  to  the  truce.  The  negotiations, 
which  had  failed  at  Paris,  were  transferred  to  Ham- 
burg to  be  carried  on  between  the  Count  d’Avaux  and 
Salvius,  but  only  to  meet  the  same  fate.  A truce 
was  little  desired  by  the  French,  the  Swedes  or  even 
the  Imperialists,  and  mutually  acceptable  conditions 
could  not  be  arranged.  Plainly  the  time  was  not  yet 
ripe  for  it.^® 

On  October  first,  1638,  Grotius  had  an  audience 
with  the  King,  at  which,  after  congratulating  Louis 
upon  the  recent  birth  of  a son,  he  asked  the  King  to 
send  aid  to  the  Duke  of  Weimar  who  was  about  to 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  26-27 ; Ep.  988,  p. 
447;  Ep.  991,  p.  449. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  27-29. 

23  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  p.  26. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


219 


be  attacked  by  a vastly  superior  force.^*  Louis 
promised  to  strengthen  the  Duke’s  army  as  much  as 
he  could,  but  we  find  Grotius  asking  the  same  aid  at 
another  audience,  on  the  tenth  of  November,  1638.^® 
On  the  fourth  of  December,  he  waited  upon  the  King 
and  Queen  to  felicitate  them,  by  order  of  the  Queen 
of  Sweden,  upon  the  birth  of  the  Dauphin.  Grotius 
excused  his  Queen,  on  this  occasion,  for  not  having 
sent  an  Ambassador  Extraordinary,  on  the  ground 
that  all  the  first  lords  of  the  country  were  employed 
in  the  army  or  in  the  Ministry,  so  that  they  could 
not  well  be  spared  for  the  long  journey  to  Paris.^® 
Toward  the  end  of  1638  the  fortress  of  Brisac 
surrendered  to  the  Duke  of  Weimar,  thus  making 
Burgundy  and  Champaign  more  secure  and  strength- 
ening the  position  of  Alsace,  Lorraine  and  Switzer- 
land. Grotius  paid  his  compliments  to  the  King  and 
asked  that  the  money  promised  to  Sweden  might  be 
paid,  so  that  Marshal  Bannier  should  be  enabled  to 
advance  more  strongly,  and  the  King  assured  Grotius 
that  the  money  would  be  sent.^^  But  in  March, 
1639,  we  find  Grotius  again  before  Louis,  having  ob- 
tained an  audience  only  after  an  argument  with 
Count  Brulon.^®  It  is  possible  that  the  delay  of  the 
King  in  sending  aid  to  the  Duke  of  Weimar  was  the 
result  of  Richelieu’s  influence.  The  great  French 
statesman  undoubtedly  regarded  the  Duke  as  a dan- 

2*  Ep.  1038,  p.  468. 

25  Ep.  1064,  p.  480. 

26  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  29-32. 

27  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  33-34. 

28  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  p.  34. 


220 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


gerous  factor  and  as  a man  who  would  bear  watch- 
ing. Moreover,  the  Cardinal  had  offered  his  niece 
to  Weimar  in  marriage,  and  the  Duke’s  refusal  of 
this  offer,  together,  with  his  desire  to  keep  Brisac, 
which  Richelieu  wanted,  quite  enraged  the  Cardinal. 
His  resentment,  however,  was  soon  to  be  modified, 
for  a violent  fever  seized  the  Duke  at  Neuenburg, 
and  on  July  loth,  1639,  after  running  a four  days’ 
course,  consigned  to  the  grave  the  Prince  whom  Gro- 
tius  called  “the  honor  and  the  last  resource  of  Ger- 
many.”^® At  the  time  of  his  death  it  was  thought 
by  some  that  the  Duke  had  died  of  poison,  and  that 
Grotius  was  among  this  number  we  know  from  a let- 
ter which  he  wrote  to  Chancellor  Oxenstiern  on  Octo- 
ber loth,  1639.  “The  more  I reflect  upon  the  death 
of  the  Duke  of  Weimar,”  said  Grotius,  “the  more  I 
am  persuaded  that  he  had  on  his  body  no  marks  of 
the  plague,  and  that  it  was  not  in  his  house.  So  the 
rumors  that  he  was  poisoned  again  prevail  and  the 
suspicion  falls  upon  the  Geneva  physician  who  was 
summoned  to  relieve  his  colic.” 

With  the  death  of  Weimar,  Grotius  lost  a trusted 
and  trusting  friend,  and  Sweden  a commander  of  her 
armies  and  a ruler  of  her  towns. 

As  soon  as  the  Duke’s  death  became  known, 
Charles  Louis,  Elector  of  Palatine  and  son  of  the  un- 
fortunate King  of  Bohemia,  proposed  to  have  him- 
self recognized  as  head  of  the  Weimarian  army.®^ 

29  Ep.  1217,  p.  549;  Ep.  1224,  p.  553. 

20  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  36. 

21  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  38-51. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


221 


Needing  funds,  the  Elector  went  to  his  uncle,  King 
Charles  I,  of  England,  from  whom  he  obtained  £25,- 
000  Sterling  with  a promise  of  more  if  needed;  and 
he  was  also  advised  to  work  in  concert  with  France, 
without  whose  assistance  his  attempt  would  be  use- 
less. This  Charles  Louis  agreed  to  do;  but  he  was 
too  impatient  to  wait  for  the  passport  for  which  Bel- 
lievre,  the  French  Ambassador  in  London,  had  writ- 
ten and  which  the  Court  of  France,  disliking  his  plan, 
was  in  no  hurry  to  grant,  and  set  out  for  France  in- 
cognito. He  was,  however,  too  vain  to  keep  his 
identity  unknown,  and,  after  embarking  publicly  un- 
der a salute,  he  landed  at  Boulogne,  escorted  by  King 
Charles’  ships  which  saluted  him  again  as  he  disem- 
barked. 

Upon  landing,  the  Elector  started  for  Paris  with 
five  servants,  and,  after  changing  his  name,  took  the 
road  to  Lyons,  where  the  King  was.  His  intention 
was  to  turn  off  into  Switzerland  and  thus  join  the 
army,  but  the  Cardinal,  knowing  his  whereabouts, 
allowed  him  to  proceed  as  far  as  Moulins,  where  he 
had  him  arrested  and  confined  in  the  citadel.®^ 
From  thence  Charles  Louis  was  taken  to  Vincennes, 
where  he  was  not  permitted  to  write  to  anyone  or  to 
receive  any  visitors,  although,  after  six  days,  he  was 
allowed  to  walk  in  the  garden;  and  after  a month  his 
two  brothers,  Maurice  and  Edward,  were  allowed  to 
see  him,  though  only  in  the  presence  of  witnesses.®® 

32  Ep.  1271,  p.  576. 

33  Ep.  1283,  p.  581. 


222 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


His  imprisonment,  as  may  be  supposed,  raised  not 
a little  stir  in  Europe.  The  Earl  of  Leicester,  as 
English  Ambassador  to  France,  demanded  his  re- 
lease and  the  King  of  England  wrote  to  the  French 
King  that  he  had  sent  his  nephew  into  France  to  con- 
fer with  the  King,  and  that,  if  the  latter  would  not 
give  him  an  audience,  he  ought  to  send  him  back  to 
England.^*  These  requests,  however,  had  no  effect, 
and  Charles  I applied  to  the  Queen  of  Sweden  to  in- 
tercede for  his  nephew.  Accordingly,  Grotius  was 
permitted  to  confer  with  the  French  Ministers,  and 
he  drew  up  a plan  of  compromise,  by  which  the  Elec- 
tor was  to  declare,  in  writing,  that  he  never  had  in- 
tended to  obtain  control  of  the  Weimarian  army 
without  the  consent  of  the  Queen  of  Sweden,  and  was 
then  to  receive  the  freedom  of  Paris  on  his  own  and 
the  Earl  of  Leicester’s  promise  that  he  would  not 
leave  the  city  without  the  King’s  consent.  In  this 
affair  the  French  Ministry  had  need  of  Grotius’  ser- 
vices, and  treated  him  with  a deference  hardly  shown 
before.  In  January,  1640,  Chavigny,  by  order  of 
the  King,  assured  him  that  the  past  acts  of  which  he 
had  had  reason  to  complain  were  the  work  of  the  de- 
ceased Father  Joseph. 

France  was  willing  to  agree  to  the  terms  of  Gro- 
tius’ compromise,  but  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  who  had 
orders  to  demand  the  Elector’s  unconditional  release, 
was  obliged  to  write  to  the  King  for  instructions.  In 
the  meantime  the  Cardinal  decided  that  Charles 

3*Ep.  1291,  p.  584;  Ep.  1292,  p.  585. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


223 


Louis  should  follow  the  Court,  for  the  reason  that 
he  might  thus  be  more  easily  watched,  and  be  less 
able  to  interfere  with  France’s  control  of  the  Wei- 
marian  army.  The  Queen  of  Bohemia,  the  Elec- 
tor’s mother,  approved  of  Grotius’  plan,  and  the 
Queen  of  Sweden  ordered  her  Ambassador  to  re- 
quest an  audience  of  King  Louis  in  order  to  present 
a letter  from  her  to  the  same  effect.®®  On  February 
18,  1640,®®  the  audience,  which  an  attack  of  gout, 
from  which  the  King  was  said  to  have  been  suffer- 
ing, had  delayed,  at  last  took  place.  Grotius  urged 
that  the  Elector  was  young  and  impetuous,  and  that 
the  best  course  was  to  forget  what  had  occurred, 
since  it  had  done  no  harm.  His  representations 
were,  however,  destined  to  do  little  good,  for  the 
Elector,  pressed  by  Chavigny  and  unable  to  see  Gro- 
tius, signed  the  declaration  which  the  King  desired, 
and  was  then  conveyed  incognito  on  the  night  of  the 
thirteenth  to  the  fourteenth  of  March,  1640,  to  the 
Earl  of  Leicester’s  house.  A few  months  later 
France  recognized  Charles  Louis  as  Elector  and  on 
July  25th,  1640,  the  King  of  France  gave  him  com- 
plete freedom,  subject  only  to  the  conditions  he  had 
signed,  not  to  work  against  the  interests  of  France. 
He  accordingly  set  out  for  Holland,  to  remain  there 
until  the  troubles  with  Scotland,  which  were  to  bring 
his  uncle’s  head  to  the  block,  were  over. 

In  the  meantime  Grotius  had  been  occupied  with 

« Ep.  1319,  p.  597. 

36  Ep.  1327,  p.  601. 


224 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


fresh  negotiations  for  the  exchange  of  Marshal 
Horn,  the  son-in-law  of  Chancellor  Oxenstiern,  who 
had  been  captured  at  Nordlingen.  The  famous 
John  de  Vert  was  at  the  same  time  a prisoner  at  Vin- 
cennes, but  an  exchange  of  these  generals  was  blocked 
by  two  difficulties.  In  the  first  place  the  Duke  of 
Weimar  had  declared  that  John  de  Vert  was  his 
prisoner  and  that  he  had  sent  him  into  France  only 
to  be  kept  there  at  his  orders;  in  the  second  place  the 
French  Ministry  were  fearful  lest  Marshal  Horn’s 
return  might  be  harmful  to  the  common  cause,  since 
it  might  occasion  a dangerous  split  in  the  allied 
forces.®^  In  an  audience  with  the  King  in  the  begin- 
ning of  November,  1639,  Grotius  obtained  Louis’ 
promise  to  present  the  matter  to  the  Ministry,  after 
he  had  stated  that,  when  the  Duke  of  Weimar  died, 
he  had  decided  that  John  de  Vert  and  Enkefort 
should  be  exchanged  for  Marshal  Horn,®®  The 
Duke  of  Bavaria,  who  also  had  a claim  to  Horn, 
whom  he  had  held  as  a prisoner,  readily  gave  his 
consent  to  the  exchange,  and,  in  the  beginning  of  Sep- 
tember, 1640,  just  after  the  taking  of  Arras  (a  pro- 
pitious time  to  approach  the  King) , Grotius  went  to 
St,  Germain  to  press  the  matter  again.  Not  long 
afterwards  Chavigny  informed  him  that  the  King 
had  consented  to  the  exchange,  provided  the  treaty 
between  France  and  Sweden  should  be  renewed;  but 
the  exchange  was  not  executed,  and  Grotius  sought 

3^  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  51-52. 

Bk.  II,  pp.  52-53. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH  225 

an  audience  of  the  King  at  Rheims.®®  Here  Louis 
promised  positively  that  de  Vert  should  have  his  lib- 
erty if  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  would  send  Marshal 
Horn  to  Landau.  Grotius  so  advised  the  Bavarian 
Court,  de  Vert  was  conducted  to  Selestad  and  the  ex- 
change was  at  length  made  at  Strasburg.*® 

But  the  exchange  of  the  two  generals  did  not  set- 
tle the  question  of  the  renewal  of  the  French-Swed- 
ish  Treaty,  which  was  soon  to  expire.  This  renewal 
was  negotiated  at  Hamburg  between  Claude  de 
Meme,  Count  d’Avaux,  and  John  Adler  Salvius, 
Vice  Chancellor  of  Sweden.  Grotius  was  subordi- 
nate to  the  latter,  but  was  able  to  render  great  ser- 
vice, since  he  was  so  well  acquainted  with  the  affairs 
of  France  that  he  knew  how  far  Sweden  might  go 
in  her  demand  for  subsidies  before  France  would 
turn.  On  the  twenty-ninth  of  September,  1640,  he 
wrote  to  the  High  Chancellor  that  he  knew  the  Car- 
dinal would  increase  the  subsidies  if  pressed.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  the  treaty  was  signed  at  the  end  of 
June,  1641,  instead  of  the  annual  subsidy  of  a mil- 
lion francs  which  France  had  promised  to  Sweden  by 
the  last  treaty,  Sweden  was  now  to  receive  i,- 
200,000;  and  this,  in  spite  of  the  repeated  declara- 
tions of  the  King  that  the  treaty  could  not  be  re- 
newed on  the  former  terms.*^ 

Cardinal  Richelieu  died  in  the  year  after  the  re- 
newal of  the  treaty,  passing  away  on  the  fourth  of 

Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  53-55. 

<0  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  p.  55. 

*^Ibid..  Bk.  II,  p.  56;  Ep.  1420,  p.  647. 


226 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


December,  1642.*^  Undoubtedly  Grotius  mourned 
little  over  this  loss  to  France;  the  two  great  men 
were  too  different  in  temperament,  character  and 
ideals  to  work  together,  and  consequently  had  been 
at  swords  points  ever  since  they  were  brought  into 
contact  with  each  other. 

Louis  XIII  did  not  long  survive  his  Prime  Minis- 
ter, breathing  his  last  on  the  fourteenth  of  May, 
1643.  Anne  of  Austria,  Regent  during  the  minority 
of  her  son,  Louis  XIV,  informed  Grotius  through 
Chavigny,  and  repeated  it  herself,  that  the  King’s 
death  would  make  no  difference  in  the  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  Sweden.  Cardinal  Mazarin, 
gaining  the  Queen’s  confidence,  took  up  the  reins  of 
government  where  the  grim  warrior  had  caused 
Richelieu  to  lay  them  down,  but  Grotius  refused  to 
deal  with  him  directly  until  so  ordered  by  his 
Queen.'*® 

In  the  meantime  the  war  had  spread.  Denmark 
had  seized  several  Swedish  ships  trading  in  the 
Sound  and  Sweden  had  declared  war  against  the 
King  of  Denmark.  In  an  audience  in  the  middle  of 
April,  1644,  Grotius,  without  instructions,  laid  the 
causes  of  the  conflict  before  the  French  Queen, 
showing  her  the  declaration  of  war,  which  he  trans- 
lated into  Latin  and  caused  to  be  printed  in  Paris. 
Sometime  later  these  acts  of  Grotius  were  in  effect 
approved  by  the  Queen  of  Sweden  when  she  directed 

**  Burignjr’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  59. 

*3  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  59-60. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


227 

him  to  give  to  the  Regent  just  the  information  he  had 
imparted.^* 

The  man  who  brought  to  Grotius  the  letters  of 
Queen  Christina,  directing  him  to  explain  the  griev- 
ances of  Sweden  against  Denmark,  was  the  adven- 
turer Cerisante.*®  He  was  the  son  of  Duncan,  Min- 
ister of  Saumur,  and,  being  a master  of  belles-lettres, 
had  been  appointed  governor  to  the  Marquis  de 
Foix,  who  later  made  him  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the 
Regiment  of  Navarre.  But  a quarrel,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Regency  of  Anne  of  Austria,  with  the 
Duke  of  Candale,  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  leave 
the  Kingdom,  and  he  had  retired  into  Sweden  with 
the  hope  of  gaining  the  favor  of  the  Queen.  In  this 
he  was  not  disappointed  for  she  gave  him  a commis- 
sion to  levy  a regiment,  which  he  never  raised,  and 
sent  him  into  France  with  the  titles  of  Colonel  and 
Agent  of  Sweden.*® 

When  Cerisante  arrived  in  Paris  he  had  orders  to 
do  nothing  unless  in  concert  with  Grotius,*^  but,  re- 
lying upon  the  feeling  which  continued  disputes  be- 
tween the  Swedish  Ambassador  and  the  French  Min- 
isters had  generated  in  Sweden,  he  set  out  to  work 
against  Grotius  to  his  own  personal  profit.  The 
reader  may  recall  that  Grotius  once  wrote  to  the 
High  Chancellor  that,  in  view  of  the  difficulties  at- 

**  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  60-61. 

« /Hd.,  Bk.  II,  p.  61. 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  63 ; Memoires  du  Due 
de  Guise,  L.  II,  p.  78. 

Ep.  716,  p.  970. 


228 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tached  to  the  Swedish  Embassy  in  Paris,  it  might 
have  been  wise  to  keep  him  in  Paris  only  as  an 
agent/®  This  suggestion  was  rejected,  but  in  the 
course  of  time  the  false  reports  that  were  constantly 
sent  into  Sweden  by  his  enemies  in  France  made  an 
impression  on  the  Ministry.  Grotius  knew  that  this 
was  the  case,  and  as  he  had  not  been  consulted  in  the 
appointment  of  Cerisante,  he  looked  upon  him  as  a 
spy  sent  by  the  Ministry  to  observe  his  conduct.*® 
On  November  first,  1641,  he  wrote  to  his  brother, 
“If  they  threatened  to  recall  me  from  my  embassy  I 
should  not  be  sorry;  there  is  little  profit  in  this  kind 
of  employment.  I am  tired  of  honors;  old  age  ap- 
proaches and  will  soon  require  rest.”  A year 
later  he  wrote  again,  “I  love  quiet  and  would  gladly 
devote  the  remainder  of  my  life  to  the  service  of 
God  and  posterity.  If  I had  not  some  hope  of  con- 
tributing to  the  General  Peace,  I should  have  retired 
before  now.” 

The  presence  of  a rash,  selfish  adventurer  lording 
it  over  him  was  more  than  Grotius  could  bear,  and 
at  last,  his  patience  exhausted,  he  wrote  to  Sweden 
asking  that  the  Queen  recall  him.  His  request  was 
readily  granted.®® 

*8  Ep.  690,  p.  284. 

*9  Cerisante  was  later  dismissed  from  the  Queen’s  service  be- 
cause of  his  dishonorable  acts,  but  not  until  after  Grotius’  depar- 
ture from  Paris. 

60  Ep.  572,  p.  928. 

61  Ep.  620,  p.  942. 

62  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,’’  Bk.  II,  p.  64. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


229 


Grotius  now  addressed  himself  to  Baron  Oxen- 
stiern,  son  of  the  High  Chancellor  and  Swedish 
Plenipotentiary  at  the  Peace  of  Munster  and  Osna- 
brug,  requesting  advice  as  to  where  he  should  go  and 
asking  for  safe  conduct  from  the  Ambassadors  of 
the  King  of  Spain,  the  Emperor,  and  the  Elector  of 
Cologne.  Queen  Christina,  in  letters  to  the  Queen 
of  France  and  to  Grotius,  expressed  her  appreciation 
for  the  great  services  which  he  had  rendered  with 
fidelity  and  prudence. 

While  waiting  for  Baron  Oxenstiern’s  reply,  Gro- 
tius asked  Spiringius,  Swedish  Agent  in  Holland,  for 
a ship  to  convey  him  to  Gottenburg,  or,  if  he  could 
not  do  that,  to  obtain  for  him  a passport  to  go 
thither  from  Holland.  He  embarked  at  Dieppe  for 
Holland,  where  he  was  received  most  kindly.  With 
practically  no  opposition  he  was  permitted  to  pass 
through  the  country,  and  the  city  of  Amsterdam 
fitted  out  a vessel  to  carry  him  to  Hamburg,  where 
he  arrived  May  16,  1645,  after  a voyage  of  eight 
days  with  head  winds.®*  On  the  next  day  Grotius 
set  out  for  Liibeck,  where  he  found  many  friends, 
and  the  end  of  March  saw  him  at  Wismar,  where 
Count  Wrangel,  Admiral  of  the  Swedish  fleet,  en- 
tertained him  splendidly  and  sent  him  to  Kalmar  on 
a man-of-war.®® 

63  Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  64-65. 

^*Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  67-68;  Ep.  1760,  p.  749. 

66  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  11,  p.  68 ; Ep.  1762,  p.  749 ; 
Ep.  1763,  p.  749. 


230 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


The  High  Chancellor  was  at  Suderacher,  about 
five  miles  from  Kalmar,  negotiating  a peace  between 
Sweden  and  Denmark.  Upon  receiving  a letter 
from  Grotius  announcing  his  arrival,  he  sent,  on  the 
eighth  of  June,  his  coach  to  carry  him  to  Suderacher, 
where  he  remained  for  a fortnight,  honored  by  the 
Chancellor  and  the  other  Ambassadors.®®  Return- 
ing then  to  Kalmar,  Grotius  proceeded  at  once  to 
Stockholm  where,  on  the  day  after  his  arrival,  the 
Queen  received  him,  having  come  from  Upsala  upon 
hearing  of  his  approach.  Several  audiences  and 
dinners  with  the  Queen  followed,  and  she  several 
times  refused  to  grant  him  his  dismissal,  in- 
sisting that  he  should  bring  his  family  into 
Sweden  and  remain  in  her  service  as  Counsellor 
of  State.®’ 

But  Grotius  was  resolved  to  leave.  He  asked 
for  a passport,  and,  as  this  was  delayed,  decided  to 
depart  without  one.  However,  he  had  only  got  to 
a seaport  two  miles  away  when  a messenger  from  the 
Queen  overtook  him,  saying  that  Christina  wished 
to  see  him  once  more  before  he  left.  He  accord- 
ingly returned  to  the  Queen,  who  gave  him  12,000 
Imperials  and  some  silver  plate,  which  she  presented 
to  him  with  his  passport,  explaining  that  the  finish- 
ing of  the  plate  had  caused  the  delay  in  issuing  the 
passport.  On  the  twelfth  of  August  he  embarked 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  68-69. 

Ibid.,  Bk.  II,  pp.  69-70,  reference  to  Le  Clerc,  L.  XII. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


231 

for  Liibeck  on  a vessel  furnished  him  by  the 
Queen.®® 

It  is  uncertain  what  Grotius’  plans  were  in  em- 
barking from  Stockholm.  Vondel,  the  Dutch  poet, 
thought  he  intended  to  go  to  Osnabrug,  where  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia  was  in  course  of  negotiation. 
Others  thought  he  was  returning  to  Holland,  where 
the  Republican  party  was  growing  stronger,  or  that 
he  was  going  to  Poland  in  the  hope  that  the  King 
would  send  him  to  France  as  Ambassador.  It  seems 
highly  probable  that  Grotius’  steps  were  leading  him 
to  Munster  and  Osnabrug,  to  interest  himself  in  the 
great  Peace  which  was  to  end  the  last  professedly 
religious  war  Europe  has  known.  But  after  that? 
Perhaps,  w'earied  of  the  intrigue  of  negotiations,  he 
only  sought  a quiet  retreat  where  he  could  devote 
the  remainder  of  his  life  to  his  project  for  the  union 
of  all  Christians  into  one  tolerant  body,  and  all  na- 
tions into  an  harmonious  civilization. 

The  vessel  on  which  Grotius  embarked  had  hardly 
cleared  the  port  when  it  was  overtaken  by  a terrible 
storm  and  was  obliged  to  put  in,  on  the  seventeenth 
of  August,  fourteen  miles  from  Danzig.  Grotius 
set  out  in  an  open  wagon  for  Liibeck  and  arrived  at 
Rostock  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  very  ill.  A 
physician,  named  Stochman,  was  summoned,  who 
said  that  Grotius  was  suffering  from  fatigue  and  that 

Vindic.  Grot.,  p.  478 ; Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p. 
70;  Cattenburgh’s  “Vervolg  van  het  leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,” 
Bk.  X,  p.  409. 


232 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


rest  would  restore  his  health,  but  the  next  day  he 
was  worse,  being  very  weak  and  in  a cold  sweat. 
Grotius,  thinking  that  his  end  was  near,  asked  for  a 
clergyman,  and  John  Quistorpius  was  called,  who,  in 
a letter  to  Calovius,  gives  us  an  account  of  the  last 
moments  of  the  great  man.®®  It  reads  as  fol- 
lows : 

“You  are  desirous  of  hearing  from  me  how  that 
Phoenix  of  Literature,  Hugo  Grotius,  behaved  in 
his  last  moments,  and  I shall  gratify  your  wish.  He 
embarked  at  Stockholm  for  Liibeck,  and,  after  be- 
ing tossed  for  three  days  by  a violent  storm,  was 
shipwrecked  and  got  to  shore  on  the  coast  of  Pomer- 
ania, whence  he  came  to  our  town  of  Rostock,  dis- 
tant over  sixty  miles,  in  an  open  wagon,  through 
wind  and  rain.  He  lodged  with  Balleman  and  sent 
for  Stochman,  the  physician,  who,  observing  that  he 
was  extremely  weakened  by  years,  by  the  shipwreck 
and  the  inconveniences  of  the  journey,  judged  that 
he  could  not  live  long.  The  second  day  after  the 
arrival  of  Grotius  in  this  town,  that  is,  on  the 
eighteenth  of  August  (old  style),  he  sent  for  me 
about  nine  o’clock  at  night.  I went,  and  found  him 
almost  in  the  throes  of  death.  I said  there  was 
nothing  I desired  more  than  to  have  seen  him  in 
good  health,  that  I might  have  the  pleasure  of  his 
conversation.  He  replied  that  God  had  willed  it 
thus.  I told  him  to  prepare  himself  for  a happier 

Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  72. 


ACTIVITIES  AND  DEATH 


233 


life,  to  acknowledge  that  he  was  a sinner  and  to  re- 
pent of  his  sins;  and,  having  made  mention  of  the 
Publican,  who  confessed  that  he  was  a sinner  and 
asked  God’s  mercy,  he  answered:  ‘I  am  that  Pub- 
lican.’ I continued  and  told  him  that  he  must  have 
recourse  to  Jesus  Christ,  without  whom  there  is  no 
salvation.  He  replied : ‘I  have  all  my  hope  in  Jesus 
Christ.’  I began  to  repeat  aloud  in  German  the 
prayer  which  begins,  ‘Herr  Jesu’;  he  followed  me, 
in  a very  low  voice  with  his  hands  clasped.  When 
I had  finished,  I asked  him  if  he  had  understood 
me.  He  answered:  ‘I  understand  you  very  well.’ 
I continued  to  repeat  to  him  those  passages  of  the 
word  of  God  which  are  usually  recalled  to  the  mem- 
ory of  the  dying,  and,  asking  him  if  he  understood 
me,  he  answered : ‘I  hear  your  voice  well,  but  I un- 
derstand with  difficulty  what  you  say.’  These  were 
his  last  words.  Soon  after  he  expired,  exactly  at 
midnight.” 

Thus  died  this  celebrated  man,  on  the  night  of 
August  twenty-eighth  or  the  morning  of  August 
twenty-ninth,  1645,®^  at  the  age  of  sixty-two. 

After  the  vital  organs  were  sealed  in  a copper 
casket  and  buried  in  the  Cathedral  of  Rostock,  to  the 
left  of  the  choir,  the  embalmed  body  was  brought 
to  Delft  and  there  buried  in  the  Nieuwe  Kerk,  Oc- 

«o  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  pp.  73-74.  See  Ep. 
Eccles.  et  Theol.  583,  p.  828. 

Cattenburgh’s  “Vervolg  van  het  leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,” 
Bk.  X,  p.  412;  Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  74. 


234 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


tober  3,  1645,  where  it  now  rests,  beside  the  bodies 
of  the  Princes  of  Orange.®^ 

He  had  written  this  epitaph  for  himself: 


“Grotius  hie  Hugo  est,  Batavum  captivus  et  exul, 
Legatus  Regni,  Suecia  magna,  tui.” 

Cattenburgh’s  “Vervolg  van  het  leven  van  Huig  de  Groot,” 
Bk.  X,  pp.  412,  415;  Fruin’s  “Hugo  de  Groot  en  Maria  van  Rei- 
gersbergh” — Verspreide  Geschriften,  IV,  p.  93,  note  4. 

63  Ep.  536,  p.  915. 


CHAPTER  XII 


AS  A LIVING  FORCE 


Literary  products  of  Grotius’  last  years — Praise  of  the  states- 
man— The  United  States  decorates  the  tomb  of  Grotius — Grotius 
as  a living  force. 

Little  is  known  of  Maria  van  Reigersberg  after 
the  death  of  her  husband.  Her  last  years  were 
spent  at  The  Hague  where  she  died  in  1653,  cared 
for  by  relatives  and  friends.  She  had  been  the 
mother  of  seven  children,  three  of  whom  had  died 
young.^ 

It  would  not  be  proper  to  close  the  biography  of 
Grotius  without  giving  a short  account  at  least  of 
those  literary  productions  which  came  from  his  pen 
while  he  served  as  Ambassador  from  Sweden  to 
France.  Although  these  years  were  filled  with  many 

1 Grotius  was  the  father  of  four  sons  and  three  daughters. 
These  were; 

Sons 

Cornelis,  b.  Feb.  2,  1613,  at  The  Hague ; d.  Oct.  15,  1665,  at 
Hertogenbosch. 

Pieter,  died  young. 

Pieter,  b.  March  28,  1615;  d.  June  2,  1678. 

Diederik,  named  van  Kraayenburg,  after  an  old  family  castle, 
b.  Oct.  10,  1618,  at  Rotterdam ; d.  1661,  near  Maagdenburg. 

Daughters 

Cornelia,  married  Jean  Barthon,  vicomte  de  Montbas. 

Maria,  died  young. 

Frangoise,  died  young. 


235 


236 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


cares  and  duties,  he  found,  as  was  always  the  case 
with  him,  time  to  do  additional  work. 

During  the  early  years  of  his  embassy  he  pub- 
lished his  tragedy  of  “Joseph,”  and  also  his  notes 
on  Tacitus  in  Elzevier’s  edition  of  that  author.  In 
January,  1645,  his  collection  of  Greek  Epigrams 
went  to  press  under  the  title  of  “Anthologia,”  but 
it  was  not  published,  probably  because  of  his  death 
very  soon  after.^  His  translation  of  “The  History 
of  the  Goths  and  Vandals,”  by  Procopius,  which  he 
made  in  honor  of  the  Swedes,  was  finished  in  1636, 
but  was  not  published  until  1655. 

While  serving  as  Ambassador,  Grotius  revised 
his  “History  of  Holland  from  1560  to  1609,”  which 
he  had  first  completed  in  1612.  This  history  was 
published  twelve  years  after  his  death  by  his  sons 
Cornelius  and  Peter,  who  dedicated  it,  in  1657,  to 
the  States  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland. 

“The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion”  was  also 
revised  and  enlarged  during  this  period,  and  his 
“Remarks  on  Justinian’s  Laws”  was  printed  at  Paris 
in  1642.  The  “Commentary  on  the  Gospel”  was 
finished  in  1637,  but  not  printed  until  some  time 
later  in  Holland  and  France.  It  was  followed  by 
treatises  on  the  Antichrist  and  other  theological 
pieces,  in  1640,  which  stirred  up  an  irreconcilable 
controversy  between  the  Roman  Catholics  and  the 
Protestants,  and  really  served  as  an  obstacle  to  that 

2 The  original  manuscript  of  the  “Anthologia”  was  deposited  in 
the  library  of  the  Jesuits’  College  at  Paris,  in  the  year  1665,  by 
Edmond  le  Mercier,  Grotius’  secretary. 


AS  A LIVING  FORCE 


237 

reunion  which  was  the  sole  object  of  the  author’s 
desires. 

In  1642,  Grotius’  book  on  “The  Origin  of  the 
People  of  America”  was  printed  at  Paris.  A trans- 
lation of  this  interesting  work,  by  Edmund  Goldsmid, 
was  published  in  Edinburgh  in  1884. 

If  Grotius’  success  aroused  envy  and  his  honest 
plans  for  reconciliation  and  truth  produced  enemies, 
his  lofty  ideals,  his  earnest  endeavors,  and  unflinch- 
ing courage  also  brought  to  him  the  warmest  of 
friends.  The  men  who  recognized  his  genius  as  a 
boy  remained  his  admirers  until  death  carried  them 
away.  In  this  category  are  Vondel,  Pontanus, 
Meursius,  Gillot,  Barlaeus,  Dousa,  de  Thou,  Scali- 
ger,  Casaubon,  Vossius,  Lipsius,  and  Baudius — great 
men  all,  who  eagerly  watched  the  growth  of  his 
leadership  in  the  realms  of  law,  philosophy,  and 
religion. 

That  the  friendship  of  Vondel  for  Grotius  was  of 
the  deepest,  truest  quality  is  demonstrated  by  a poem, 
written  by  Vondel  to  Salmasius  (though  his  name 
was  not  mentioned)  when  the  latter  attacked  the 
dead  Grotius.  The  lines  of  the  indignant  friend 
have  been  translated  thus: — 

“To  THE  SLANDERER  OF  THE  DECEASED  RoYAL  AMBASSADOR, 

Hugo  de  Groot. 

Oh  Pharisaic  sneer  with  seeming  praise  o’erspread, 
Pursuing  that  dear  form  amongst  the  very  dead, 

Thou  Hell-hound,  who,  relentless,  dost  not  falter. 
Although  the  Phoenix  lies  upon  the  altar, 

To  bark  at  Hercules,  where  he  lies  dead. 


238 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


Wreak  then  thy  will  on  him  the  world  bemoans 
And  grind  thy  teeth  upon  his  hallowed  bones.”  ® 

Balzac,  in  a letter  to  Chapelain,  said:  “What- 
ever comes  from  Grotius  is  a high  recommendation 
of  him  to  me,  and,  besides  the  solidity  of  his  learn- 
ing, the  strength  of  his  reasoning  and  the  charm  of 
his  language,  I note  in  it  a certain  stamp  of  probity, 
that  one  may  place  entire  confidence  in  him,  save  in 
what  regards  our  church,  to  which,  unhappily,  he 
is  a stranger.”  ^ 

More  remarkable  still  is  the  praise  of  Richelieu, 
who,  though  surely  not  prejudiced  in  favor  of  Gro- 
tius, considered  him  one  of  the  three  foremost 
scholars  of  his  age,  the  other  two  being  Salmasius 
and  Jerome  Bignon.  The  latter,  distinguished  as 
Advocate-General,  declared  that  Grotius  was  the 
most  learned  man  the  world  had  known  since  Aris- 
totle.® 

“If  gold  and  silver  could  contribute  aught  to  the 
redemption  of  such  a glorious  life,”  wrote  Queen 
Christina  to  Grotius’  widow,  on  the  death  of  her  hus- 
band, “I  would  gladly  employ  all  in  my  possession 
for  that  result.”  ® 

Two  hundred  and  fifty  years  later,  in  1899,  when 

* This  poem  may  be  found,  in  Dutch,  in  Vondel’s  Poems,  Part 
II,  p.  217 ; also  in  Cattenburgh’s  “Vervolg  van  bet  leven  van  Huig 
de  Groot,”  Bk.  X,  p.  420.  The  translation  above  is  Bowring’s. 

* Burigny^s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  205,  reference  to  II 
Lettre  du  XXI  Livre,  p.  831. 

® Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  208,  reference  to  du 
Maurier,  p.  393. 

® Burigny’s  “Vie  de  Grotius,”  Bk.  II,  p.  210,  reference  to  the 
Vie  Latine. 


AS  A LIVING  FORCE 


239 


the  Czar  of  Russia  called  together  at  The  Hague 
representatives  from  all  the  nations  of  the  world  for 
the  purpose  of  discussing  questions  of  International 
Law  and  furthering  the  movement  toward  universal 
peace,  and  the  United  States  took  occasion  to  dec- 
orate the  tomb  of  Grotius  with  a wreath  wrought  in 
gold  and  silver,  a notable  incident  of  the  day  was  the 
reading  of  a letter  from  the  King  of  Sweden  and 
Norway  expressing  the  gratitude  of  that  power  for 
the  services  Grotius  had  so  ably  and  faithfully  ren- 
dered.^ 

The  world  holds  for  thinking  men  few  monu- 
ments more  inspiring  than  the  church  In  Delft  where 
Grotius  lies  buried.  Three  times  in  the  last  half 
century  have  the  nations  come  to  pay  homage  at  this 
shrine.  The  first  was  on  April  loth,  1883,  the 
three-hundredth  anniversary  of  Grotius’  birth.  The 
second  was  three  years  later,  when  a bronze  statue 
was  erected  in  front  of  the  church  to  his  memory. 
The  third  occasion  was  that  of  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence of  1899. 

The  ceremony  of  placing  the  wreath  upon  the 
tomb  of  Grotius  took  place  on  the  4th  of  July,  in  the 
Nieuwe  Kerk,  in  the  city  of  Delft.  Representa- 
tives from  the  various  delegations  in  the  conference 
were  present.  Outside,  the  winds  raged  and  the 
rain  beat  furiously,  as  if  nature  were  trying  to  re- 
mind the  assemblage  of  the  storm  and  stress  In  which 

^ A.  D.  White’s  “Seven  Great  Statesmen,”  p.  109. 


240 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


the  life  of  the  honored  dead  was  passed.  Within, 
the  great  organ  poured  out  its  wondrous  tones,  and 
at  eleven  o’clock  the  ceremony  began.  Jonkheer 
van  Karnebeek,  who  was  chosen  to  preside,  opened 
with  a tribute  to  Grotius,  which  was  followed  by  sim- 
ilar addresses  by  Dr.  Andrew  D.  White,  then  Amer- 
ican Ambassador  to  Germany  and  President  of  the 
delegation  of  the  United  States  in  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence; by  His  Excellency,  W.  H.  de  Beaufort,  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Netherlands;  by  Mr. 
T.  M.  C.  Asser,  Delegate  to  the  Peace  Conference 
from  the  Netherlands  and  President  of  the  Institute 
of  International  Law;  and  by  Dr.  Seth  Low,  a mem- 
ber of  the  delegation  of  the  United  States,  and  Pres- 
ident of  Columbia  University. 

The  wreath,  with  its  leaves  of  oak  and  laurel — 
symbolic  of  civic  virtue  and  of  victory — bears  this 
inscription: 

“To  the  Memory  of  Hugo  Grotius 
In  Reverence  and  Gratitude 
From  the  United  States  of  America 
on  the  occasion  of  the  International  Peace  Conference  of 
The  Hague 
July  4th,  1899.” 

To  Grotius  the  scholar,  poet,  historian,  theolo- 
gian, lawyer,  diplomatist  and  statesman,  author  of 
the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,’’  who  as  a boy  had  wor- 
shipped in  that  same  church,  who  had  trod  those 
same  streets,  who  had  brooded  over  and  thought  out 
the  problems  of  the  world  in  that  same  city,  and  who 
was  finally  laid  to  rest  there  beside  the  body  of  Wil- 


AS  A LIVING  FORCE 


241 


Ham  the  Silent,  the  nations  of  the  world  on  that  day 
paid  their  homage. 

In  the  midst  of  scenes  of  war  and  outrage,  in  which 
the  fields  of  Europe  were  drenched  with  blood  and 
its  cities  blackened  with  executions,  he  went  forth  to 
struggle  for  the  redemption  of  civilization  from  the 
curse  of  useless  battle.  With  the  indomitable  spirit 
of  the  man  who  later  wrote,  “Produce ! Produce ! 
Were  it  but  the  pitifullest  infinitesimal  fraction  of  a 
Product,  produce  it,  in  God’s  name!”,  he  compelled 
Europe  to  listen  to  the  precepts  of  International 
Law. 

Although  Grotius  died  three  years  before  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia  was  concluded,  the  thoughtful 
and  idealistic  men  of  Europe  had  already  begun  to 
throw  off  the  hideous  Machiavellian  philosophy  with 
which  it  had  become  saturated,  and  to  recognize  the 
reason,  justice  and  truth  of  his  teachings,  founded 
upon  the  Law  of  Nature  and  of  Nations.  The  high 
esteem  in  which  the  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  was 
held  by  Gustavus  Adolphus  has  already  been  noted. 
That  Cardinal  Richelieu  was  also  affected  by  the 
writings  of  Grotius  there  is  little  doubt,  for,  when 
he  took  La  Rochelle  in  1628,  there  was — contrary 
to  abundant  precedents — no  massacre,  no  executions, 
but  only  an  abolition  of  Protestant  privileges. 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia,  signed  at  Munster  and 
Osnabrug,  not  only  ended  the  Thirty  Years’  War 
in  Germany,  but  also  marked  the  close  of  the  conflict 
which  Holland  had  endured  for  eighty  years.  This 


242 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


peace  embodied  principles  which  Grotius  had  striven 
to  expound,  such  as  the  independence  and  equality 
of  sovereign  states,  and  was  founded  upon  the  equi- 
table and  merciful  doctrines  which  he  had  labored  to 
impart.  Despite  the  opposition  of  the  Papal  power, 
the  peace  was  signed.  The  old  order  had  changed, 
and  the  new  which  came  in  was  largely  the  work  of 
Hugo  Grotius. 

Although  the  wars  of  Louis  XIV  at  first  gave  lit- 
tle evidence  of  enlightenment  and  mercy,  yet  when, 
in  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  (1701-1714), 
the  contending  armies  crossed  and  recrossed  parts  of 
the  soil  on  which  the  Thirty  Years’  War  had  been 
waged,  Marlborough  and  Prince  Eugene,  and  other 
commanders,  exhibited  in  their  conduct  a sharp  con- 
trast with  Wallenstein  and  Tilly,  who  had  devas- 
tated those  fields  seventy  years  before.  Destruction 
of  property  by  fire  and  of  peoples  by  massacre  was 
practically  abandoned;  governments  paid  the  costs 
of  war,  not  the  captured  individuals;  and  prisoners 
were  treated  with  justice  and  mercy.  Grotius’  in- 
fluence was  becoming  felt,  and  warfare  was  growing 
less  cruel. 

The  student  of  history  acknowledges  with  thank- 
fulness the  great  contributions  to  progress  made  by 
jurists  and  philosophers  such  as  Ayala,  Bodin,  Co- 
varruvias,  Gentilis,  Soto,  Suarez,  Vasquius,  and  Vic- 
toria; but  he  must  also  recognize  that  it  was  Hugo 
Grotius  who  above  all  others  held  up  to  nations  the 
court  of  arbitration,  administering  one  law  for  all. 


AS  A LIVING  FORCE 


243 


as  their  common  and  ultimate  destiny.  Looking  be- 
yond the  struggles  born  of  avarice,  jealousy,  and 
misunderstanding,  by  which  his  own  time  was  ob- 
scured, he  rescued  from  the  prevailing  darkness  this 
high  ideal,  and,  with  the  faith  and  vision  of  a 
prophet,  set  it  before  a stricken  world  painfully  toil- 
ing towards  the  day  when  might  shall  be  sub- 
ordinated to  right,  and  justice  shall  reign  unhin- 
dered. 


APPENDIX 


The  Edict  drawn  up  by  Grotius,  and  approved 
by  the  States,  after  the  Remonstrance  and  Contra- 
Remonstrance  of  the  Arminians  and  Gomarists, 
reads  as  follows : 

“Whereas  great  dissensions  and  disputes  have 
arisen  in  the  Churches  of  this  Country,  on  occasion 
of  different  explanations  of  some  passages  of  Holy 
Writ,  which  speak  of  Predestination  and  what  relates 
to  it;  and,  these  contentions  having  been  carried  on 
with  so  much  heat,  that  some  Ministers  have  been 
accused  of  teaching  directly,  or  at  least  indirectly, 
that  God  has  created  some  men  to  damn  them;  that 
He  has  laid  certain  men  under  a necessity  of  sinning; 
that  He  invites  some  men  to  salvation  to  whom  he 
has  resolved  to  deny  it;  other  Divines  are  also 
charged  with  believing  that  men’s  natural  strength 
or  works  may  operate  salvation.  Now,  these  doc- 
trines tending  to  the  dishonor  of  God  and  the  Chris- 
tian reformation,  and  being  contrary  to  our  senti- 
ments, it  has  appeared  to  us  highly  necessary,  from 
a regard  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  God,  and  for  the 
peace  and  harmony  of  the  State,  to  condemn  them. 
For  these  causes,  after  having  weighed  the  matter, 
and  long  examined  it  with  much  conscience  and  cir- 

244 


APPENDIX 


245 


cumspectlon,  employing  the  authority  which  belongs 
to  us  as  rightful  sovereign,  and  agreeable  to  the  ex- 
ample of  the  Kings,  Princes,  and  Cities  which  have 
embraced  the  Reformation,  we  have  ordained,  and 
by  these  presents  ordain,  that,  in  the  interpretation 
of  the  passages  of  Scripture  above  mentioned,  every- 
one give  diligent  heed  to  the  admonition  of  St.  Paul, 
who  teaches  that  no  one  should  desire  to  know  more 
than  he  ought;  but  to  think  soberly,  according  as  God 
has  dealt  to  every  man  the  measure  of  faith;  and 
agreeable  to  what  the  Holy  Scriptures  everywhere 
set  forth,  that  salvation  is  of  God  alone,  but  our 
destruction  is  of  ourselves.  Wherefore,  in  the  ex- 
planation of  the  Scripture,  as  often  as  occasion  shall 
offer,  the  Pastors  shall  declare  to  the  people,  and  in- 
stil into  the  minds  of  all  under  their  care,  that  men 
are  not  indebted  for  the  beginning,  the  progress,  and 
the  completion  of  their  salvation,  and  even  of  faith, 
to  their  natural  strength  or  works,  but  to  the  sole 
grace  of  God  in  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour;  that  we 
have  not  deserved  it;  that  God  has  created  no  man  to 
damn  him;  that  God  has  not  laid  us  under  a necessity 
of  sinning,  and  that  He  invites  no  man  to  be  saved, 
to  whom  he  has  resolved  to  deny  salvation.  And, 
though,  in  the  Universities,  in  conversation,  and  in 
those  places  where  the  Scriptures  are  expounded, 
passages  may  be  treated  of,  which  relate  to  predes- 
tination and  what  depends  on  it,  and  it  may  come  to 
pass,  as  has  happened  before,  and  in  our  own  times, 
to  learned  and  good  men,  that  persons  may  give  in 


246 


HUGO  GROTIUS 


to  those  extremes  and  absurdities  which  we  disap- 
prove and  have  forbidden ; our  will  is  that  they  shall 
not  be  proposed  publicly  from  the  pulpit  to  the  peo- 
ple. But  as  to  those,  who,  in  relation  to  such  pas- 
sages, only  believe  and  teach  that  God  has  from  all 
eternity  chosen  to  salvation,  from  the  mere  motion 
of  His  will,  through  Jesus  Christ,  our  Saviour  and 
Redeemer,  those  who,  by  grace  which  they  have  not 
merited  and  by  the  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  be- 
lieve in  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord,  and  by  free  grace 
given  them,  persevere  in  the  faith  to  the  end,  we  will 
that  they  be  not  molested  on  that  account,  nor 
pressed  to  embrace  other  sentiments,  or  teach  other 
doctrines;  for  we  judge  these  truths  sufficient  for  sal- 
vation and  proper  for  the  instruction  of  Christians. 
We  moreover  ordain  that  all  Pastors,  in  expounding 
the  other  articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  make  use  of 
explanations  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God,  to  what 
is  commonly  received  in  the  Reformed  Churches, 
and  what  has  been  taught  in  those  of  this  country, 
which  we  have  maintained  and  protected,  and  now 
maintain  and  protect;  that  they  exercise  Christian 
charity  and  that  they  avoid  greater  divisions;  for  in 
this  manner,  we  judge,  they  ought  to  act  for  the  good 
of  the  State  and  Church,  and  the  restoration  of  her 
tranquillity.” 


INDEX 


A 

“Abridgment  of  all  the  Sea-laws,”  published,  57. 

“Adamus  Exul,”  published,  32. 

Adolphus,  Gustavus,  enters  Thirty  Years’  War,  188;  defeats 
Tilly,  189;  defeats  Wallenstein,  189;  killed,  189;  his  opinion 
of  Grotius,  189  et  seq.;  196. 

Aerssens,  Francis,  controversy  with  Cornelius  van  der  Myle,  90; 

special  ambassador  to  Paris,  129;  204. 

“Afgeschafte  Wetten,”  28. 

Alais,  Count  d’,  199. 

Alexander  VI,  Pope,  decree  of,  45;  Bull  of,  55,  56;  176. 
Almonde,  Maria  van,  13. 

Alva,  Duke  of,  53. 

“Amsterdam,  Customs  of,”  176. 

Angouleme,  Duke  d’,  199. 

Anjou,  Count  of,  2. 

Anne  of  Austria,  226. 

“Anthologia,”  goes  to  press,  236. 

“Aratea,”  published,  31. 

Arminians,  Remonstrance  of  the,  72. 

Arminius,  publicly  advances  his  doctrine,  69;  death  of,  70. 
Arragon,  Admiral  of,  91. 

Asser,  T.  M.  C.,  240. 

Avaugour,  French  Ambassador  to  Sweden,  200. 

Avaux,  Count  d’,  218;  (Claude  de  Meme),  225. 

Ayala,  242. 


B 

Bakker,  Nicolaes,  nominated  for  position  of  Attorney-General  of 
Holland,  Zeeland  and  West  Friesland,  49. 

Balzac,  praises  Grotius,  238. 

Bannier,  Marshal,  212,  219. 

Barberin,  Francis,  167. 

Barlaeus,  writes  on  Grotius’  escape,  150;  237. 

Barneveld,  Elias,  death  of,  62. 

Barneveld,  John  of,  special  commissioner  to  France,  20;  68,  69, 
70;  proposes  raising  of  local  troops,  75;  81;  arrested,  82; 
insinuations  against,  87;  trial  begins,  113;  sentence  pro- 
nounced against,  113;  executed,  115. 

Barwalde,  Treaty  of,  189. 

Baudius,  Dominicus,  39,  42;  effect  of  Grotius’  presence  on,  43; 
237. 


247 


248  INDEX 


Bavaria,  Duke  of,  associates  himself  with  the  Catholic  League, 
186. 

Beaufort,  W.  H.  de,  240. 

Berlise,  Count,  218. 

Beroaldus,  Philippus,  28. 

Bignon,  Jerome,  praises  Grotius,  238. 

Bodin,  242. 

Boetselaer,  Gideon  van,  special  ambassador  to  Paris,  129. 
Bogerman,  John,  President  of  the  National  Synod,  86. 

Boissise,  de,  comes  from  France  as  Ambassador  Extraordinary 
to  aid  Grotius,  87  et  seq.;  114;  receives  Grotius  in  Paris,  151. 
Boreel,  Jacob,  64. 

Borgia,  Caesar,  son  of  Alexander  VI,  46,  176. 

Boutillier,  Superintendent  of  Finances,  1%,  202. 

Brandanus,  202. 

Brasser,  Joost,  181. 

Breze,  Marshal  de,  202. 

Browne,  John,  56. 

Brulon,  Count,  194,  199,  218,  219. 

Bullion,  203,  204. 

c 

Calvin,  69. 

Calvinist  Union  of  1608,  186. 

Candale,  Duke  of,  227. 

Caron,  Minister  from  Netherlands  to  England,  65. 

Casaubon,  Isaac,  admiration  for  Grotius,  30,  32 ; translates 
“Prosopopoeia”  into  Greek,  32;  praises  “Christus  Patiens,” 
34 ; 65,  237. 

“Catharina,”  the,  brought  in  by  Heemskerck,  46,  54. 

Caumartin,  de.  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  156. 

Cerisante,  227 ; works  against  Grotius,  227  et  seq. 

Charenton,  Ministers  of,  156,  201. 

Charlemagne,  Empire  of,  174. 

Charles  V,  Emperor  of  Germany  and  King  of  Spain,  2,  176. 
Charles  IX,  of  France,  175. 

Charles  Louis,  Elector  of  Palatine,  205,  220  et  seq. 

Chatillon,  Marshal  de,  202. 

Chavigny,  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  203,  213,  214,  215,  224, 
226. 

Christian  IV,  of  Denmark,  188. 

Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden,  190,  194,  195,  212,  213,  229;  receives 
Grotius,  230;  praises  Grotius,  238. 

“Christus  Patiens,”  published,  34. 

Coligny,  Louisa  de,  13,  17. 

“Commentary  on  the  Gospel,”  finished  and  printed,  236. 
Compiegne,  Treaty  of,  2O0. 

Conde,  Prince  of,  24;  Grotius  dedicates  his  “Martianus  Capella” 
to,  27;  194. 

Conradin,  death  of,  175. 

“Consolato  del  Mare,”  176. 


INDEX 


249 


Corbulo,  3. 

Cornaro,  Venetian  Minister^  208. 

Cornets,  Cornelius,  great-grandfather  of  Grotius,  marries  Erm- 
gardt  de  Groot,  5. 

Covarruvias,  169,  242. 

Crusius,  217. 

Cunaeus,  48. 

“Customs  of  Amsterdam,”  176. 


D 

Daatselaer,  Adrian,  130,  147,  148;  visits  Grotius,  160. 

Daatselaer,  Madame,  friendship  for  Madame  Grotius,  131 ; 132 
et  seq.;  aids  in  the  escape  of  Grotius,  140  et  seq. 

“De  Antiquitate  Reipublicae  Batavicae,”  published,  59;  synopsis 
of,  59  et  seq. 

de  Groot,  see  Groot,  de. 

“De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  begun,  160;  published,  164;  history  of 
its  preparation,  164  et  seq.;  form  of,  166;  placed  on  Papal 
Index,  167;  connection  with  “De  Jure  Praedae,”  167  et  seq.; 
indebtedness  to  forerunners,  168  et  seq.;  240,  241. 

“De  Jure  Praedae,”  12,  43  et  seq.;  manuscript  discovered,  43; 
published,  45;  description  of,  45  et  seq.;  52;  contents  of,  53 
et  seq.;  165;  connection  with  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  167 
et  seq. 

Delf,  Willem,  180. 

Demarcation,  Line  of,  56;  see  also  Alexander  VI,  Bull  of. 

Denmark,  King  of,  requests  Grotius  to  enter  his  service,  161. 

Desnoyers,  Secretary  of  War,  215. 

Deventer,  Commander  of  Loevestein,  127 ; enmity  for  Grotius, 
127;  promoted  to  a captaincy,  134;  searches  for  Grotius,  146 
et  seq. 

Does,  J.  van  der,  11. 

Dor,  Francis,  202. 

Dousa,  Janus,  237 ; see  also  Does,  J.  van  der. 

Dupuis,  Henry,  offers  Grotius  his  house,  150. 

Dyke,  Jakob  van,  191. 


E 

East  India  Company,  Dutch,  45,  46;  Grotius’  wish  for,  105. 
Edict  of  Grotius  to  reconcile  the  Arminians  and  Gomarists,  244. 
“Elegia  ad  Henricum  Borbonium,”  28. 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  concludes  agreement  with  the  Prov- 
inces, 17 ; 19. 

Ely,  Bishop  of,  65. 

Enkefort,  224. 

Episcopius,  deposed,  86;  146. 

“Epithalamium  Regium,”  29. 

Erlach,  Baron  d’,  attache  to  the  Duke  of  Weimar,  217. 
Erpenius,  Thomas,  places  his  library  at  Grotius’  disposal,  130; 


250 


INDEX 


Estrees,  Marshal  d’,  194. 

Eugene,  Prince,  242. 

Eych,  Gerard  van,  76. 

F 

Ferdinand  II,  Emperor,  successor  of  Matthias,  187,  188,  191. 
Feuquieres,  Marquis  de,  200,  215. 

Force,  Marshal  de  la,  202,  209. 

Francis  I,  of  France,  176. 

Frederick,  Elector,  187,  188. 

Frederick  Henry,  of  Nassau,  13;  succeeds  Prince  Maurice,  162; 

attitude  toward  Grotius,  179;  turns  against  Grotius,  181. 
“Free  Sea,  The,”  see  “Mare  Liberum.” 

Fruin,  edits  “De  Jure  Praedae,”  44. 


G 

Gaston,  Duke  of  Orleans,  194. 

Gentilis,  Albericus,  author  of  “De  Jure  Belli,”  169,  242. 

Gerard,  Balthazar,  murders  William  the  Silent,  2,  16. 

Gilot,  Jaques,  praises  Grotius,  15 ; 237. 

Ginetti,  Cardinal,  207. 

Godefroy,  208. 

Gomar,  41 ; his  doctrine,  69. 

Gomarists,  Contra-Remonstrance  of,  72. 

Graswinckel,  cousin  of  Grotius,  48;  visits  Grotius,  160. 

Gregory  XIII,  Pope,  175. 

Grevinkhoven,  Nicholas,  receives  Grotius  in  his  home,  145. 

Groot,  Cornelia  de,  daughter  of  Grotius,  recipient  of  verses,  112. 

Groot,  Cornelius  de,  uncle  of  Grotius,  6. 

Groot,  Dirk  Huigen  de,  great-great-grandfather  of  Grotius,  5. 

Groot,  Ermgardt  de,  great-grandmother  of  Grotius,  5. 

Groot,  Franciscus  de,  Grotius’  brother,  death  of,  42. 

Groot,  Hugo  de,  great-great-great-grandfather  of  Grotius,  5. 

Groot,  Hugo  Cornelius  de,  grandfather  of  Grotius,  5 ; death  of,  6. 

Groot,  Hugo  or  Huig  de,  see  Grotius,  Hugo. 

Groot,  John  de,  father  of  Grotius,  7;  marries  Alida  van  Over- 
schie,  8. 

Groot,  Madame  de,  see  Grotius,  Madame. 

Groot,  William  de,  brother  of  Grotius,  151. 

Grotius,  Hugo, 

Life:  Birth,  1;  ancestry,  3-9;  boyhood,  9-20;  education,  9-15; 
goes  to  France  with  a special  embassy,  20;  his  journey,  21- 
22;  meets  King  Henry  of  France,  23;  his  stay  in  that  country, 
23-25 ; receives  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  at  Orleans,  25 ; 
returns  to  Holland,  25 ; registers  as  lawyer,  25 ; friendship 
for  Vondel,  36-38;  chosen  to  write  a history  of  his  country, 
39;  his  method  of  pleading,  40;  dissatisfaction  with  the  prac- 
tice of  law,  40-41 ; writes  “De  Jure  Praedae,”  43 ; appointed 
Attorney-General,  49;  marries  Maria  van  Reigersbergen,  50; 
publishes  “Mare  Liberum,”  53 ; becomes  Pensionary  of  Rot- 
terdam, 62;  journeys  to  England  concerning  Dutch-English 


INDEX 


251 


fisheries  dispute,  64 ; his  stay  there,  64-65 ; his  directions  for 
study,  66-67 ; enters  Arminius-Gomar  theological  contro- 
versy, 71 ; draws  edict  to  restore  tranquillity,  74 ; takes  an 
active  part,  76-82 ; arrested,  82 ; confined  in  The  Hague,  82- 
84;  writes  to  Prince  Maurice,  92-106;  his  first  examination, 
110-111;  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  118-119; 
transported  to  Loevestein,  121-122 ; life  and  work  there, 
122-137;  escape,  130-149;  takes  up  residence  in  Paris,  151; 
reception  there,  151-153 ; is  granted  a pension  and  protection, 
155;  arouses  wrath  of  States-General,  156-158;  moves  to 
Balagni,  159;  begins  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  160;  services 
sought  by  Prince  of  Holstein  and  King  of  Denmark,  160-161 ; 
publishes  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  164;  indebtedness  to  fore- 
runners, 168-171;  as  “Father  of  International  Law,”  171-177; 
financial  difficulties,  178-179;  returns  to  Holland,  180;  but  is 
forced  to  flee  to  Hamburg,  180-182;  stay  in  Hamburg,  182- 
185 ; meets  Salvius,  185 ; appointed  Ambassador  from  Sweden 
to  France,  190;  journeys  to  Paris,  193-194;  received  by  the 
King,  194-195 ; official  duties,  195-197 ; difficulties,  197-207 ; 
efforts  for  peace,  207-208;  participates  in  a diplomatic  quar- 
rel, 209-210;  further  negotiations,  211-213;  discusses  plan 
for  a truce,  214-215 ; embarrassed  by  Schmalz,  215-217 ; is 
in  danger,  217-218 ; aids  Charles  Louis,  222-223 ; negotiations 
for  the  exchange  of  Horn  and  de  Vert,  223-225;  renewal  of 
the  French-Swedish  treaty,  225;  embarrassed  by  Cerisante, 
227-228;  his  request  to  be  recalled  is  granted,  228;  journeys  to 
Stockholm,  229-230;  is  received  by  Christina,  230;  embarks 
for  Liibeck,  230;  illness  and  death,  231-233;  burial,  233-234; 
praise  of,  237-239;  honored  by  the  nations,  239-241;  as  a liv- 
ing force,  241-243. 

Works:  Early  Verses,  10;  “Triumphus  Gallicus,  parodia 
Catulliana,”  15 ; “Martianus  Capella,”  27 ; “Elegia  ad  Henri- 
cum  Borbonium,”  28 ; “Papinianus  and  Isidorus,”  28 ; “Afge- 
schafte  Wetten,”  28;  translation  of  “Stevin,”  29;  “Epith- 
alamium  Regium,”  29 ; “Aratea,”  31 ; “Prosopopoeia,”  32 ; 
“Adamus  Exul,”  33;  “Christus  Patiens,”  34;  “Sophompha- 
neas”  or  “Joseph,”  35,  185,  236;  “De  Jure  Praedae,”  43-49; 
“Mare  Liberum,”  53-56;  “De  Antiquitate  Reipublicae  Bata- 
vicae,”  59;  “History  of  the  Netherlands,  1560-1609,”  60-61, 
236;  “The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,”  128,  156,  236; 
“Introduction  to  the  Jurisprudence  of  Holland,”  128;  “Phoe- 
nissae”  translated,  128,  162;  “An  Investigation  of  Pelagian- 
ism,”  156;  “Justification  of  the  Lawful  Government  of  Hol- 
land and  West  Friesland,”  156-157;  “Strobaeus,”  159;  “De 
Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  160,  164-177;  “Anthologia,”  236;  trans- 
lation of  the  “History  of  the  Goths  and  Vandals,”  236;  “Re- 
marks on  Justinian’s  Laws,”  236;  “Commentary  on  the  Gos- 
pel,” 236;  “The  Origin  of  the  People  of  America,”  237. 

Grotius,  Madame,  goes  to  Loevestein,  124;  plans  the  escape  of 
Grotius,  131  et  seq.;  receives  news  of  Grotius’  escape,  149; 
liberated  from  Loevestein,  149;  joins  her  husband  in  Paris, 


252 


INDEX 


153;  praised  by  Princess  of  Conde,  154;  praised  by  Vondel, 
154;  visits  Holland,  161  et  seq.,  180;  receives  gift  from 
Oxenstiern,  200  ; 210;  insulted  by  Schmalz  and  Crusius,  217; 
death  of,  235 ; her  children,  235. 

Guebriant,  Count  de,  213. 

H 

Haan,  de.  Pensionary  of  Haarlem,  78,  98,  157. 

Hailbron,  Treaty  of,  196,  197,  198,  199. 

Hamaker,  edits  “De  Jure  Praedae,”  44. 

Heemskerck,  brings  in  the  “Catharina,”  46,  54. 

Heemskerk,  Elseling  van,  wife  of  Hugo  Cornelius  de  Groot,  6. 

Heinsius,  Daniel,  reflects  upon  Grotius’  childhood,  15;  65. 

Henry  HI,  of  France,  17. 

Henry  IV,  of  France,  15;  contemplates  treaty  with  Spain,  19; 
Grotius  meets,  23;  remarks  upon  Grotius,  24;  marries  Marie 
de  Medicis  and  Grotius  writes  “Epithalamium  Regium,”  29. 

Henry  of  Guise,  17. 

“History  of  the  Goths  and  Vandals,  The,”  translation  of,  fin- 
ished and  published,  236. 

“History  of  Holland  from  1560  to  1609,”  revised  and  published, 
236. 

“History  of  Old  Holland,”  see  “De  Antiquitate  Reipublicae  Bata- 
vicae.” 

Holstein,  Prince  of,  requests  Grotius  to  enter  his  service,  161. 

Holy,  Hugo  Muis  van,  accuses  Grotius  of  an  attempt  to  escape, 
130. 

Holy  Inquisition,  2. 

Hooft,  Cornelis,  161. 

Hoogerbeets,  declines  office  of  Pensionary  of  Rotterdam,  62; 
Pensionary  of  Leiden,  78,  79;  arrested,  82;  98,  102;  Barne- 
veld  inquires  of,  114;  sentenced  to  perpetual  imprisonment, 
119;  transported  to  Loevestein,  121  et  seq.;  157;  liberated, 
163 ; death  of,  163. 

Hoogerbeets,  Madame,  death  of,  129. 

Hoorn,  Gerard  van,  owner  of  Loevestein,  123. 

Horn,  Marshal,  taken  prisoner,  191 ; 213 ; exchange  of,  224  et  seq. 

Houwening,  Elsje  van,  is  told  of  the  plan  for  Grotius’  escape, 
134;  aids  in  escape  of  Grotius,  135  et  seq.;  marries  Willem 
van  den  Velden,  149. 


I 

International  Law,  history  of  the  development  of,  172  et  seq. 
“Introduction  to  the  Jurisprudence  of  Holland,”  written,  128;  168. 

J 

James  I,  of  England,  proclamation  of  concerning  fishing,  56,  57 ; 

active  against  Grotius,  90;  188. 

Jeannin,  President  Petrus,  34,  151;  death  of,  156;  157. 

Joseph,  Father,  196,  197,  198,  203,  206. 


INDEX 


253 


“Joseph,  Tragedy  of,”  see  “Sophomphaneas.” 

Junius,  Franciscus,  12;  death  of,  41. 

“Jus  Belli  ac  Pads,”  see  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis.” 

“Jus  Feciale,”  174. 

“Jus  Gentium,”  see  Law  of  Nations. 

“Jus  Naturale,”  see  Law  of  Nature. 

“Jus  Praedae,”  see  “De  Jure  Praedae.” 

“Justification  of  the  Lawful  Government  of  Holland  and  West 
Friesland,”  completed,  156;  published,  157;  effect  upon  States- 
General,  157. 

Justin,  Count  of  Nassau,  special  commissioner  to  France,  19. 

K 

Karnebeek,  Jonkheer  van,  240. 

Kloppenburg,  Seignorage  of,  42. 

Kraeyenburg,  castle  of,  3,  4. 

L 

Laefler,  James,  195,  196,  198,  200. 

Lambertszoon,  Jan,  aids  Grotius  in  his  escape,  143  et  seq. 

Lange,  de,  Burgomaster  of  Gouda,  78. 

Langerac,  Baron,  Ambassador  at  Paris  from  Holland,  active 
against  Grotius,  90. 

Law  of  Nations,  relation  to  Law  of  Nature,  171  et  seq.;  241. 

Law  of  Nature,  relation  to  Law  of  Nations,  171  et  seq.;  241. 

“Law  of  Spoils,”  see  “De  Jure  Praedae.” 

“Laws  of  Wisby,”  176. 

Ledenberg,  Gillis  van.  Secretary  of  the  Assembly  of  Utrecht, 
78,  79;  arrested,  82;  98,  101;  kills  himself,  111;  sentence 
passed  against  dead  body  of,  117. 

Leeuwen,  van,  prosecuting  officer  against  Barneveld,  113. 

Leicester,  Earl  of,  elected  Governor-General  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces, 18 ; 68. 

Leicester,  English  Ambassador  Extraordinary  to  France,  205, 
209,  210;  demands  release  of  Charles  Louis,  222  et  seq. 

Leiden,  siege  of,  1. 

Leo  XIII,  Pope,  removes  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis”  from  Papal 
Index,  167. 

Lipsius,  Justus,  7;  admiration  for  Grotius,  32;  praises  the 
“Adamus  Exul,”  33 ; 237. 

Lisbon,  Proclamation  of,  47. 

Loevestein,  fortress  of,  description  of,  122  et  seq. 

London,  Treaty  of,  51. 

Louis  XIII,  of  France,  intervenes  in  behalf  of  Grotius,  87 ; 
grants  Grotius  protection  and  a pension,  155;  protects  Gro- 
tius, 158;  “De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis,”  dedicated  to,  164;  178,  185, 
197,  202,  211  et  seq.,  217;  death  of,  226. 

Louis  XIV,  of  France,  226,  242. 

Low,  Seth,  240. 

Lubeck,  Peace  of,  188. 

Lusson,  preceptor  of  Grotius,  10. 


254 


INDEX 


M 

Machiavelli,  176,  177. 

Madrid,  Treaty  of,  176. 

Malherbe,  translates  “Prosopopoeia”  into  French,  32. 

“Mare  Clausum,”  published,  48,  58;  synopsis  of,  58. 

“Mare  Liberum,”  48;  published,  53;  synopsis  of,  54  et  seq.;  56. 
Marillac,  179. 

Marlborough,  242. 

“Martianus  Capella,”  published,  27. 

Mathenes,  Adrian,  76. 

Mathieu,  “Life  of  Henry  IV,”  32. 

Mathisius,  Assuerus,  185. 

Matthias,  Emperor,  successor  of  Rudolph,  186. 

Maurice,  Prince  of  Nassau,  18,  19;  capture  of  Sluis  by,  47; 
appoints  Grotius  Attorney-General  of  Holland,  Zeeland  and 
West  Friesland,  49;  proclaimed  Stadtholder,  68;  uses  re- 
ligious quarrel,  70;  enmity  for  Grotius  and  Barneveld,  75; 
resorts  to  force  to  disband  local  troops,  78  et  seq.;  Prince 
of  Orange  on  death  of  his  brother,  84;  solidifies  his  position 
by  force,  85  et  seq.;  praises  Grotius,  149;  death  of,  162. 
Maurier,  du.  Ambassador  Ordinary,  66;  attempts  to  aid  Gro- 
tius, 89;  acts  in  behalf  of  Barneveld,  114;  129,  151,  179,  198. 
Mazarin,  Cardinal,  226. 

Medici,  Catherine  de,  175,  177. 

Meerman,  Dirk,  64,  161. 

Melissus,  Georgius,  13. 

Meme,  President  de,  offers  Grotius  his  country-seat,  159;  160. 
Mercoeur,  Duke  de,  195. 

Meulen,  Peter  van  der,  arrests  Grotius,  82;  escorts  Grotius  and 
Hoogerbeets  to  Loevestein,  121  et  seq. 

Meursius,  praises  Grotius,  15 ; 237. 

Mierevelt,  Michiel,  paints  portrait  of  Grotius,  180. 

Moor,  William,  182. 

Munster,  Bishop  of,  42. 

Musius,  Hugo,  76. 

Myle,  Cornelis  van  der,  controversy  with  Francis  Aerssens,  90. 


N 

“Netherlands,  History  of  the,”  60  et  seq. 

Nieustadt,  Cornelius  van  der,  26. 

Nijhoff,  consulted  concerning  publication  of  “De  Jure  Praedae,” 
44. 

Nijs,  de,  provost-marshal,  informs  Barneveld  of  the  sentence 
passed  against  him,  113. 

Noppen,  Leonard  C.  van,  translates  Vondel’s  “Lucifer,”  33. 
Nordlingen,  battle  of,  191,  195,  213. 

Nordwijk,  see  Does,  J.  van  der. 

Nythof,  Lieutenant,  advises  Grotius  to  write  to  Prince  Maurice, 
92. 


INDEX 


255 


O 

Ogle,  Sir  John,  80. 

Oosterwyk,  Dutch  Ambassador  to  France,  209. 

“Origin  of  the  People  of  America,  The,”  printed,  237. 

Ostend,  poem  on  siege  of,  42. 

Overallus,  Joannes,  65. 

Oxenstiern,  Baron,  son  of  the  High  Chancellor,  229. 

Oxenstiern,  High  Chancellor  of  Sweden,  appoints  Grotius  Am- 
bassador from  Sweden  to  France,  190;  193,  194,  196,  197,  198; 
comes  to  Paris,  198;  199;  visits  Grotius,  199;  200,  202,  203, 
204,  206,  207,  230. 


P 

Paaw,  Dutch  Ambassador  to  France,  204,  206;  recalled,  209. 
Paffenrode,  Jacob  van,  147. 

“Papinianus  and  Isidorus,”  28. 

Paris,  Treaty  of,  199,  200. 

Pasquier,  translates  “Prosopopoeia”  into  French,  32. 

Pauw,  Reinier,  64. 

“Pelagianism,  An  Investigation  of,”  ready  for  the  press,  156. 
Peyresc,  writes  on  arrival  of  Grotius  in  Paris,  153. 

Philip  H,  of  Spain,  2,  53,  177. 

Philip  III,  of  Spain,  68. 

“Phoenissae”  of  Euripides,  translated  by  Grotius,  128;  com- 
pleted, 162. 

Pius  V,  Pope,  175  . 

Plinius,  28. 

Pontanus,  Isaac,  praises  Grotius,  15 ; 237. 

Prague,  Peace  of,  191. 

“Prince,  The,”  of  Machiavelli,  176. 

“Prosopopoeia,”  32. 

Prounink,  Jacob,  see  Deventer. 

Pyrenees,  Peace  of  the,  202. 


Q 

Quistorpius,  John,  attends  Grotius,  232. 

R 

Rapin,  translates  “Prosopopoeia”  into  French,  32. 

Red  Rod,  Sheriff  of  Antwerp,  aids  Grotius  in  his  escape,  145. 
Reigersberg,  Maria  van,  marries  Grotius,  50;  see  also  Grotius, 
Madame. 

Reigersberg,  Nicholas,  brother-in-law  of  Grotius,  129,  157. 
Reigersberg,  Pieter  van,  father  of  Madame  Grotius,  50. 
“Remarks  on  Justinian’s  Laws,”  printed,  236. 

Restitution,  Edict  of,  188. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  178,  189,  191,  195,  196,  197,  198,  199,  200  202 
203,  204,  205,  208,  214,  216,  220;  death  of,  225;  praises  Gro- 
tius, 238;  effect  of  Grotius  on,  241. 


256 


INDEX 


“Rights  of  War  and  Peace,”  effect  of,  3 ; see  also  “De  Jure  Belli 
ac  Pacis.” 

“Rooles  d’  Oleron,”  176. 

Rosaeus,  Henry,  excluded  from  his  church,  74. 

Rudolph,  Emperor,  arouses  anger  of  Protestants,  186. 
Rutgersius,  writes  on  Grotius’  escape,  ISO. 

s 

Salmasius,  attacks  Grotius,  237 ; 238. 

Salvius,  John  Adler,  Vice  Chancellor  of  Sweden,  185,  207,  218,  225. 
Sandes,  translates  “Christus  Patiens,”  34. 

Savoy,  Prince  Thomas  of,  202. 

Scaliger,  29;  admiration  for  Grotius,  30,  32;  237. 

Schmalz,  Secretary  of  Oxenstiern,  214,  215,  216,  217 ; returns  to 
Sweden,  217. 

Schoonhoven,  Councillor,  79. 

Scriverius,  42 ; places  his  library  at  Grotius’  disposal,  130. 
Scudamore,  Lord,  English  Ambassador  Ordinary  to  France, 
205,  208,  210. 

Selden,  John,  publishes  “Mare  Clausum,”  48,  58. 

Servien,  Secretary  of  War,  203,  204. 

Silleri,  Chancellor  de,  154. 

Sluis,  capture  of  by  Prince  Maurice,  47. 

“Smoothed  Laws,”  see  “Afgeschafte  Wetten.” 

Soissons,  Count  de,  194,  199. 

“Sophomphaneas,”  published,  35,  236;  completed,  185. 

Sorgen,  Leonard  van,  184. 

Soto,  242. 

Spanish  Succession,  War  of  the,  242. 

Spinola,  Marquis  of,  comes  to  The  Hague,  51. 

Spiringius,  Swedish  Agent  in  Holland,  229. 

“Spoils,  Law  of,”  see  “De  Jure  Praedae.” 

St.  Bartholomew,  Massacre  of,  2,  16. 

St.  Chaumont,  Marquis  de,  203,  204,  206. 

St.  Luc,  Marshal,  194. 

Steffens,  Maria,  wife  of  Hugo  Cornelius  de  Groot,  6. 

Stella,  Ludovicus,  28. 

Stevin,  translation  by  Grotius  of  his  treatise  on  navigation  by 
compass,  29. 

Stochman,  attends  Grotius,  231. 

Street,  Philip,  195,  196,  198,  200. 

Strobaeus,  an  edition  of,  in  preparation,  156;  published,  159. 
Stryen,  Quiryn  van,  nominated  for  position  of  Attorney-Gen- 
eral of  Holland,  Zeeland  and  West  Friesland,  49. 

Suarez,  242. 

Swartzenbourg,  Count  of,  202. 

Sylla,  prosecuting  officer  against  Barneveld,  113;  summons  Gro- 
tius to  hear  sentence  pronounced,  118. 

Synod  of  Dordrecht,  77,  81 ; opens,  86;  95  et  seq. 

Synod,  National,  see  Synod  of  Dordrecht. 


INDEX 


257 


T 

Tagliacozzo,  175. 

Thirty  Years’  War,  The,  2;  outline  of,  185  et  seq.;  241,  242. 
Thou,  Francis  de,  193. 

Thou,  President  de,  30;  admiration  for  Grotius,  30,  32;  his 
library  at  Grotius’  disposal,  160;  237. 

Tilenus,  shares  a house  with  Grotius,  155. 

Tilly,  177,  188;  defeated  by  Gustavus  Adolphus,  189;  242. 
Torenvliet,  van.  Burgomaster  of  Leiden,  79. 

Trelcatius,  Lucas,  death  of,  41. 

Tresel,  Daniel,  78. 

“Triumphus  Gallicus,  parodia  Catulliana,”  15. 

Truce  of  God,  175. 

“Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  The,”  written,  128;  ready  for 
the  press,  156;  201;  revised  and  enlarged,  236. 

u 

Uitenbogaerdt,  Joannes,  receives  Grotius  in  his  home,  26;  151; 
deposed,  85. 

United  Provinces,  The  Seven,  16. 

United  States,  The,  decorates  tomb  of  Grotius,  239. 

Urban  VIII,  Pope,  makes  effort  for  peace,  207. 

Utrecht,  Union  of,  80. 


V 

Vair,  du,  translates  “Prosopopoeia”  into  French,  32;  active  in 
behalf  of  Grotius,  153;  dies,  153. 

Valkestein,  Nicolaes  van,  26. 

Vasquius,  Fernandus,  169;  Grotius’  opinion  of,  170;  242. 

Veen,  Kornelis  van  der,  142;  aids  Grotius  in  his  escape,  143  et 
seq. 

Veen,  Simon  van,  promoted  to  High  Council,  49. 

Velde,  William  van  der,  Grotius’  servant,  92;  marries  Elsje  van 
Houwening,  149;  162. 

Vendome,  Duke  de,  195. 

Venice.  Republic  of,  makes  effort  for  peace,  208. 

Vert,  John  de,  212,  213;  exchange  of,  224  et  seq. 

Vervins,  Peace  of,  51,  68;  broken,  202. 

Vic,  de.  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  154;  death  of,  155. 

Victoria,  Franciscus,  author  of  “Relectiones,”  169,  242. 

Vissering,  examines  “De  Jure  Praedae,”  44. 

Vondel,  author  of  “Lucifer,”  33;  translates  “Sophomphaneas,” 
35;  friendship  for  Grotius,  36  et  seq.;  150,  181,  231;  poem 
of  in  defense  of  Grotius,  237 ; 237. 

Vorstius,  Conrad,  professor  of  theology  at  Leiden,  71 ; deposed, 
85. 

Vossius,  admiration  for  Grotius,  30,  31;  praises  “Sophompha- 
neas,” 35 ; places  his  library  at  Grotius’  disposal,  130 ; 161, 
182,  237. 

Vulcanus,  admiration  for  Grotius,  32. 


258 


INDEX 


w 

Waartgelders,  the,  79,  80,  98,  102. 

Wallenstein,  177,  188;  defeated  by  Gustavus  Adolphus,  189;  death 
of,  189;  242. 

Weimar,  Duke  of,  200,  211,  212,  213,  217,  218,  219,  220;  death  of, 

220. 

Welwood,  William,  publishes  “Abridgment  of  all  the  Sea-laws,” 
57. 

West  India  Company,  Grotius’  wish  that  it  might  be  formed, 
105. 

Westphalia,  Peace  of,  176,  241. 

White,  Andrew  D.,  167,  240. 

William  the  Silent,  Prince  of  Orange,  presents  Leiden  with  the 
University,  1;  killed  by  Balthazar  Gerard,  2,  16;  17,  240. 

Willoughby,  Hugh,  64. 

Winkler,  author  of  “Principia  juris,”  170. 

“Wisby,  Laws  of,”  176. 

Wouterszoon,  John,  137. 

Wrangel,  Count,  Admiral  of  the  Swedish  fleet,  229. 

Wrangel,  E.,  190. 

Wiirtemberg,  Duke  of,  201. 


/ 


Date  Due 

Ap  29  ’4; 

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VA.r.ULU 

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